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This study explores the renovation of housing governed by two tenure forms in Sweden, rental and cooperative housing. Based on a relational approach, we argue that despite requiring a similar need of maintenance at regular intervals, renovation in rental housing takes a substantially different form compared to cooperatives, regarding the extent of the work, the involvement of, and the outcome for, the residents. With the concept of predatory housing commodification, we aim at examining how the process of housing renovation is organized, what driving forces motivate renovations, along with how it impacts affected residents. Our contribution is twofold: firstly, we conceptualize renovation of housing as a commodifying process, within the realm of financialization, most often carried out brutally and contributing to housing inequality; secondly, our contribution is empirical as it covers housing renovation from a relational and contrasting perspective in a field that is still under-studied in the Scandinavian context.

Shared housing is a rather unusual phenomenon in Sweden. However, due to the decreasing availability of affordable housing and a large share of single-person households in urban areas, sharing is on the rise and new forms of shared housing have entered the market. By analysing how shared housing overlaps with existing patterns of socioeconomic segregation and by interviewing developers of diverse forms of shared housing in the cities of Stockholm and Malm & ouml;, this article aims to evolve the understanding of sharing housing from a perspective on housing inequality. We find that while many households are sharing housing because there are no other options, others share because they have the possibility to share certain spaces and facilities, which makes life easier and enhances a sense of togetherness. While the first category is concentrated in marginalized and racialized areas of the cities, the other category is concentrated in well-off areas. Developers offering shared solutions in marginalized areas are few but do so based on a discourse of 'receiving less for more', while developers offering shared housing in wealthier districts are doing so based on 'sustainability' and 'making life easier', as the shared housing includes private facilities and services that aim to support an effortless lifestyle in districts with existing urban assets. The conclusion is that sharing housing is no longer solely built on community spirit and de-growth, but sharing housing is also a reflection of contemporary housing inequality.

How can struggles for housing justice act as a lens to expand housing researchers' understanding of the rental crisis and of the systems that underpin this crisis? By presenting papers from Sweden, Spain, Greece, Sweden, the UK, and Australia this special issue contributes with knowledge on how housing struggles can inform new theoretical and methodological approaches within the field of housing studies. In turn, the SI presents three tenets that together form a framework for housing scholars: institutionalization as politics, tenants as political actors, and learning housing justice. We argue that it is crucial for housing scholars to recenter on struggles for housing justice in their readings of contemporary housing systems.

Hur skulle planering som tar hänsyn till allas rätt till staden se ut? Denna fråga har länge varit aktuell men fått större relevans när det gäller inkluderingen av fattiga EU-migranter som tar sig till rikare delar av regionen i jakten på en bättre försörjning. Dominic Teodorescus och Irene Molinas kulturgeografiska forskning studerar skeenden som placerar och kvarhåller rumänska romer och andra EU-migranter i osäkra levnads- och bostadsförhållanden i Sverige.

Systemskiftet har haft ett stort genomslag när det kommer till bostadsmarknaden och bostadspolitiken. Transformationerna har varit omfattande vad gäller den avregleringen av bostadstadssektorn och det offentligas roll, med ett närmast absolut tillbakadragande från statens sida. Det finns i dagsläget ingen vare sig offentlig eller privat instans som tar ansvar för de bostadssociala frågorna på statlig nivå, medan manöverutrymmet är begränsat för kommunerna. Samtidigt som stat och kommun kapitulerar i sitt sociala ansvar ökar bostadsojämlikheten och krisen för de som efterfrågar bostäder till rimliga priser intensifieras. Den allmännyttiga hyresrätten, som historiskt varit arbetarklassens viktigaste marknad, har försvagats och beståndet har till och med minskat i antal från systemskiftets början i tidigt 1990-tal.

Using a combination of a political economy approach for the analysis of housing with a postcolonial approach to mobility patterns of the racialised and impoverished Roma in Europe, we reflect on the relationship between racialisation and the precarious living and housing conditions of the Eastern European Roma who move from the poorer to the richer countries of the European Union. Through a qualitative and multi-sited approach to housing, we reveal the situation of permanent displacement for racialised Romanian Roma groups in both Sweden and Romania. We have followed Roma street-workers who come to Sweden for earning income in order to improve their homes in Romania, but once there, they are exposed to homelessness, harsh weather conditions, racism and discrimination. We found that the super precarious conditions of housing in Romania push the migrant Roma into even worse housing and living conditions in the destination country, completing a vicious circle of forced nomadism in which the lack of right to decent housing and permanent risk of displacement are central aspects. This article merges the interests of urban and housing researchers with those from the postcolonial tradition.

The lack of affordable housing for people with low income, shrinkingpublic resources, and new political conflicts threaten the availability ofhousing, at the same time as aggressive forms of urban renewal arecausing displacement through ‘renoviction’, putting tenants in criticalsituations. In this article, we focus on the acts of resistance and newsocial organization trends that have emerged in relation to the praxis ofrenoviction used by landlords and other local authorities, and thefrustration caused by this praxis. We claim that these new forms oforganization are using the concept of renoviction in articulating currentstruggles for housing justice. Methodologically, we point out thenecessity of urban research conducted in close collaboration withactivism, as a way for mutual learning and support. Moreover, wesuggest that these acts of resistance should be understood as happeningwithin a broader context of economic and political changes affectingthe housing market, and in relation to the increased racialization ofpoverty and territorial stigmatization in Swedish cities. To illustrate andthen strive to understand the ongoing resistance and demands forhousing justice, we focus on national activist networks emerging inresponse to the neoliberal housing crisis. We maintain that emergingresistance in Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Uppsala represents agrowing claim for housing justice. This resistance is based on people’severyday lives and is a cry for dignity in neighborhoods neglected byhousing companies.

Based on a narrative of the recent history of postcolonial feminism within and outside the Swedish academic world, this article discusses the controversial relationship between feminism and politics. Installing a socialist inspired perspective on intersectionality in Swedish feminist debates and in gender research has been a hard task for postcolonial feminists in a society whose self-imagination excludes the recognition of racism as a fundamental component of the national identity. Moreover, as the country moves rapidly towards a neoliberalization of the former Keynesian Swedish welfare state, racism and homo-nationalism spreads out and permeates the political sphere and state institutions. The author emphasizes the importance for postcolonial feminists to continuously highlight the chasm that exists between neoliberal understandings of gender equality, which are not meant to eradicate structural class, gender, racial or other social inequalities, and those emanating from socialist and anti-racist feministic ontologies.