Although jihadist threats are regarded as foreign, most Islamist terror attacks in Europe and the United States have been orchestrated by Muslims born and raised in Western societies. In the present research, we explored a link between perceived deprivation of Western Muslims and endorsement of extremism. We suggest that Western-born Muslims are particularly vulnerable to the impact of perceived relative deprivation because comparisons with majority groups' peers are more salient for them than for individuals born elsewhere. Thus, we hypothesized that Western-born, compared with foreign-born, Muslims would score higher on four predictors of extremism (e.g., violent intentions), and group-based deprivation would explain these differences. Studies 1 to 6 (Ns = 59, 232, 259, 243, 104, and 366, respectively) confirmed that Western-born Muslims scored higher on all examined predictors of extremism. Mediation and meta-analysis showed that group-based relative deprivation accounted for these differences. Study 7 (N = 60) showed that these findings are not generalizable to non-Muslims.

Politicians, journalists and public figures are often exposed to hate speech in various digital environments, especially in different discussion forums and in comment fields. Detecting hate automatically is a difficult task since hate can be expressed in many different ways. In this paper we have developed a method to measure hate directed at politicians using a combination of natural language processing and automated reasoning Our method is adapted to work on Swedish, although in general it is language independent. We have tested our method in a study where we analyze hate directed at six Swedish politicians. The results shows that our method has a fairly high precision but a low recall compared to a manual assessment.

Objectives: To put forward a model predicting orthodontic treatment need and demand. Furthermore, to explore how much of the variance in treatment demand could be explained by a set of self-assessed measures, and how these measures relate to professionally assessed treatment need. Subjects and methods: One hundred and fifty adolescents, aged 13 years, completed a questionnaire which included a set of self-assessed measures dealing with self-esteem, such as dental and global self-esteem, various aspects of malocclusion, such as perceived malocclusion and perceived functional limitation, and treatment demand. Treatment need was assessed by Dental Health Component of the Index of Orthodontic Treatment Need grading. Path analysis was used to examine the relations between the measures and if they could predict treatment need and demand. Results: The measures proved to be reliable and inter-correlated. Path analysis revealed that the proposed model had good fit to the data, providing a test of the unique effect of all included measures on treatment need and demand. The model explained 33% of the variance in treatment demand and 22% of the variance in treatment need. Limitations: The specific age group could affect the generalizability of the findings. Moreover, although showing good fit to data, the final model is based on a combination of theoretical reasoning and semi-explorative approach. Conclusions: The proposed model displays the unique effect of each included measure on treatment need and demand, explaining a large proportion of the variance in perceived treatment demand and professionally assessed treatment need. The model would hopefully lead to improved and more cost-efficient predictions of treatment need and demand.

Objectives: To identify key measures in predicting orthodontic treatment need and to propose a self-assessment instrument that improves treatment need assessment.Subjects and methods: The study included 150 randomly selected 13-year-olds. A set of measures linked to a previous study on daily life impact of malocclusion was processed, resulting in an instrument, the Demand for Orthodontic Treatment Questionnaire (DOTQ), which was analysed regarding dimensionality, reliability and validity. Dental Health Component of the Index of Orthodontic Treatment Need (IOTN-DHC) grading, representing professionally assessed treatment need, were collected from dental records. The instrument’s ability to predict treatment need was tested by randomly splitting the dataset into two subgroups, using multiple regression to predict DHC in one of the groups and the prediction equation to calculate predicted DHC in the other. The outcomes were then correlated to detect the predictive power of the DOTQ, and thereby the validity of the prediction.Results: The DOTQ-measures were reliable and highly inter-correlated. A high, significant correlation was found between assessed and predicted treatment need for the subgroups (r = 0.59 and 0.49), confirming the validity of the prediction. Independent variables (the measures) explained 47 per cent (R = 0.69) of the variance in treatment need. Four measures contributed significantly to the prediction, with Treatment Demand being the most powerful predictor.Limitations: The age group and response rate may raise some questions regarding the generalizability of the findings.Conclusions: The DOTQ is able to predict treatment need as assessed by orthodontic consultants. Its incorporation in the treatment need assessment process will acknowledge patients’ self-perceived impact of malocclusion.

Political conservatives and males are more likely to deny human influence on climate change. In this paper we examine the role of social dominance orientation (SDO) in explaining this “conservative male” effect by testing whether SDO mediates the influence of both political conservatism and gender on anthropogenic climate change denial. We use cross-sectional online-based data from Brazil (N = 367) and Sweden (N = 221) to test our mediation hypothesis. Results from path analysis showed that SDO partially or fully mediated the influence of political orientation and gender on anthropogenic climate change denial. The results provide insights about the role of SDO in the “conservative male” effect, and suggest that SDO could be considered more comprehensively in studies focusing on climate change denial and environmental attitudes/behaviors.

Social dominance orientation and political orientations are strongly correlated, leading to the notion that right-wing individuals possess a dominant personality disposition. Expressing some caveats toward such an assumption, in four studies we tested the link between political orientation and dominant personality. We assessed dominant personality partly by the use of a newly developed measure of domineering, without reference to intergroup relations or political ideals, and partly by the use of an existing clinical measure of domineering (CAT-PD). The results revealed that all measures of dominance including social dominance were significantly intercorrelated and, in line with previous research, related to both personality (agreeableness) and prejudice. Also, the correlation of political orientation with domineering was significantly lower than that with social dominance. More importantly, in all studies, social dominance fully mediated (or confounded) the relations between domineering and political orientation. Together these findings suggest that a dominant personality is reflected in political orientation only if social dominance (support for group based hierarchies) is also adopted by the individual.

Extending previous research, we examined whether the relation between social dominance orientation (SDO) and climate change denial reflects group-based dominance (SDO and nature dominance) or general system justification. Moreover, we examined whether the relation between personality (domineering and empathy) and denial is mediated by group-based dominance variables. The results showed that the group-based dominance variables reduce the effect of system justification on denial to nonsignificant. Also, social dominance and nature dominance explain unique parts of the variance in denial. Moreover, path analyses showed that the relations between empathy and system justification with denial are mediated by both of the group-based dominance variables, while the relation between domineering and denial is mediated only by SDO. Together, these results suggest that denial is driven partly by dominant personality and low empathy, and partly by motivation to justify and promote existing social and human-nature hierarchies. We conclude by suggesting that climate change mitigation efforts could be more successful if framed as being clearly beneficial for everybody and nonthreateningto existing social order.

Examining the relation between ideological variables and climate change denial, we found social dominance orientation (SDO) to outperform right-wing authoritarianism and left-right political orientation in predicting denial (Study 1 and 2). In Study 2, where we experimentally altered the level of denial by a newscast communicating supporting evidence for climate change, we demonstrated that the relation between the ideology variables and denial remains stable across conditions (newscast vs. control). Thus, the results showed that denial can be altered by communicating climate change evidence regardless of peoples' position on ideology variables, in particular social dominance. We discuss the outcome in terms of core elements of SDO - dominance and system-justification motives - and encourage researchers on climate change denial to focus on these elements.