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Jahani, Carina
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Hassanabadi, M., Jahani, R., Jahani, C. & Crellin, R. (2018). A Unified Gospel in Persian: An old variant of the Gospels along with exegetical comments by Yahyā Ibn Ayvaz-e Tabrīzī-ye Armanī. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis
Open this publication in new window or tab >>A Unified Gospel in Persian: An old variant of the Gospels along with exegetical comments by Yahyā Ibn Ayvaz-e Tabrīzī-ye Armanī
2018 (English)Book (Other academic)
Alternative title[fa]
انجیـلِ هم­پیوند : تحریری کهن از انجیل همراه با تفسیر به قلمیحیی بن عوض تبریزی ارمنی
Abstract [en]

Today we are accustomed to thinking of the Bible as a single entity, i.e. as ‘the Bible’, a well-defined corpus containing a set number of books. In late antiquity and in the Middle Ages, however, the situation was much more fluid. This fluidity showed itself not only in the fact that parts of the Bible would often circulate independently, but also in that Bible texts were often known in vernacular languages both in direct translations, but also in interlinear glosses and poetic paraphrases. It is in this context that the Unified Gospel is to be seen. Unifications of the gospel texts are often called Diatessaron (through the four), and, although this name has not been used for the Persian text presented in this book, it can still be seen as belonging to the Diatessaron tradition.

The Unified Gospel presented here was compiled in Persian by a certain Armenian who calls himself Yahyā Ibn Ayvaz-e Tabrīzī-ye Armanī. The actual time of the compilation cannot be determined from the existing manuscripts. The main manuscript for this edition is kept in the National Library and Archives of Iran. It was finalized on 9 Rajab 1111 A.H. (corresponding to 31 Dec. 1699) by a scribe named Khusraw, son of Bahrām. Other manuscripts, which are introduced in detail in the Persian introduction, have also been taken into account in this edition. In addition to the actual Gospel texts, there are numerous exegetical comments by the compiler, which are of great value for a deeper understanding of how the text was interpreted in former times. The language also shows certain archaic features, both in the vocabulary and the syntax, which indicate that the original work most likely dates to pre-Safavid times.

It is not entirely clear for whom this Unified Gospel in Persian was produced. The compiler finds that the people of his time had turned away from God and instead sought worldly affairs, spending their time reading stories and poems full of deceit and darkness instead of reading the Gospel. The Gospel was not available to them in Persian, a language of which they had better knowledge than the languages into which the Gospels had already been translated. This was the reason why the compiler/translator undertook the work which resulted in the present manuscript, which is particularly valuable due to the large number of comments to the Bible text added by the compiler.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2018
Series
Studia Iranica Upsaliensia, ISSN 1100-326X ; 33
Keywords
Persian Gospel, Unified Gospel, Diatessaron, Gospel harmony, exegesis
National Category
Specific Literatures
Research subject
Iranian Languages
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-345087 (URN)978-91-513-0361-1 (ISBN)
Available from: 2018-04-12 Created: 2018-04-12 Last updated: 2018-05-31Bibliographically approved
Jahani, C. (2018). To bring the distant near: On deixis in Iranian oral literature. In: Alireza Korangy and Corey Miller (Ed.), Trends in Iranian and Persian linguistics: (pp. 309-338). Berlin and Boston: Mouton de Gruyter
Open this publication in new window or tab >>To bring the distant near: On deixis in Iranian oral literature
2018 (English)In: Trends in Iranian and Persian linguistics / [ed] Alireza Korangy and Corey Miller, Berlin and Boston: Mouton de Gruyter, 2018, p. 309-338Chapter in book (Refereed)
Abstract [en]

The purpose of this article is to study oral narratives in a number of Iranian languages with a particular focus on how the audience is brought inside the framework of the story. The oral narratives selected for this study are traditional folktales and legends in Koroshi Balochi, Sistani Balochi, Vafsi, and Gorani.

Deictic devices locate an event and its participants in time and space and cannot be fully interpreted without reference to the context. They also bring coherence to the narrative. A deictic center is a point to which the deictic element is anchored. Deixis can be absolute, i.e., place the deictic center at the location and moment of utterance, but the speaker does not necessarily need to adopt his or her own time and location as the deictic center. It is also possible to detach the deictic center completely from not only the temporal and locational setting of the speech, but also from the real world, and to place it at a time and place that never existed or will exist inside an imaginary story (deictic shift).

The four linguistic variants in this study show interesting variation when it comes to deictic shift. It is more common for spatial deixis to be shifted to the story than for tense to be anchored in the story. Koroshi Balochi, Sistani Balochi, and Vafsi present almost total spatial deictic shift, whereas in Gorani the deixis is occasionally moved outside the story. Gorani is the language that has the strongest tense anchoring inside the narrative, with almost exclusive use of the non-past tense. At the other extreme we find Sistani Balochi, which has no tense anchoring in the narrative (only past tense verb forms). Koroshi Balochi uses non-past tense for events in the story line and Vafsi changes between using non-past and past tense.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Berlin and Boston: Mouton de Gruyter, 2018
Series
Trends in Linguistics, ISSN 1861-4302, E-ISSN 2199-3734 ; 313
Keywords
oral literature, deixis, deictic shift, Balochi, Vafsi, Gorani
National Category
Specific Languages
Research subject
Iranian Languages
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341781 (URN)10.1515/9783110455793-017 (DOI)978-3-11-045346-1 (ISBN)9783110455793 (ISBN)
Available from: 2018-02-14 Created: 2018-02-14 Last updated: 2018-02-15Bibliographically approved
Jahani, C. (2017). Prospectivity in Persian and Balochiand the preterite for non-past events. In: Korn, Agnes, Irina Nevskaya (Ed.), Prospective and Proximative in Turkic, Iranian and beyond: (pp. 261-275). Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Prospectivity in Persian and Balochiand the preterite for non-past events
2017 (English)In: Prospective and Proximative in Turkic, Iranian and beyond / [ed] Korn, Agnes, Irina Nevskaya, Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2017, p. 261-275Chapter in book (Refereed)
Abstract [en]

Prospectivity has been discussed by, e.g., COMRIE (1976: 64), who describes prospective aspect as a future counterpart to the perfect aspect. DAHL (1985: 112) finds that there is “some evidence” that Prospective is “across-linguistic category” and that it is encoded by periphrastic constructions. The definition of Prospective assumed here is that it is an aspect which indicates a prediction-based or intention-based state that is related to a future event, either imminent or non-imminent, which either takes place (non-Avertive) or is averted (Avertive).

There are a few constructions found in Iranian languages that match this definition. Of the constructions discussed here for Persian and Balochi, the construction with a verbal adjective and the copula found in Balochi is the most prototypical prospective construction, but also the progressive/prospective construction in Persian with ‘to have’, and the constructions with the verbs ‘to come’ (Balochi) and ‘to want’ (Persian) can be considered to meet the criteria of prospectivity as defined by COMRIE.

Moreover, there is a non-past use of the preterite verb form which could be understood as a form of Prospective. However, authentic examples give at hand that a more convincing interpretation of this pattern is that of relative past tense with perfective aspect, an event viewed in its entirety including its completion, i.e. with a deictic temporal centre after the completion of the event.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2017
Keywords
Persian, Balochi, prospective aspect, progressive aspect, preterite
National Category
General Language Studies and Linguistics
Research subject
Iranian Languages
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341778 (URN)978-3-95490-303-0 (ISBN)
Available from: 2018-02-14 Created: 2018-02-14 Last updated: 2018-03-08Bibliographically approved
Jaháni, K. & Balóch, A. (2016). Chokkán gón pásé. Uppsala: Uppsala University
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Chokkán gón pásé
2016 (Baluchi)Book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Uppsala: Uppsala University, 2016. p. 128
National Category
Specific Languages
Research subject
Iranian Languages
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-287484 (URN)978-91-506-2652-0 (ISBN)
Available from: 2016-04-25 Created: 2016-04-25 Last updated: 2018-01-10Bibliographically approved
Ghomeshi, J., Jahani, C. & Lenepveu-Hotz, A. (Eds.). (2016). FURTHER TOPICS IN IRANIAN LINGUISTICS: Proceedings of the 5th international conference on iranian linguistics, held in Bamberg on 24-26 august 2013. Paper presented at 5th international conference on iranian linguistics, held in Bamberg on 24-26 august 2013.. Paris: ASSOCIATION POUR L’AVANCEMENT DES ÉTUDES IRANIENNES
Open this publication in new window or tab >>FURTHER TOPICS IN IRANIAN LINGUISTICS: Proceedings of the 5th international conference on iranian linguistics, held in Bamberg on 24-26 august 2013
2016 (English)Conference proceedings (editor) (Refereed)
Abstract [en]

The papers in this volume were presented at the Fifth International Conference on Iranian Linguistics (ICIL5), held 24–26 August 2013 at the Otto Friedrich University, Bamberg, Germany. The conference was organized by Geoffrey Haig, Otto-Friedrich University, Bamberg; Carina Jahani, Uppsala University; Agnes Korn, Goethe-University, Frankfurt am Main; and Pollet Samvelian, Université Paris III, Sorbonne Nouvelle, Paris. It involved more than 50 registered participants, 33 oral presentations, and eight poster presentations, as well as keynote speeches by Bernard Comrie (Max-Planck-Institut, Leipzig) and Éva Jeremiás (Eötvös Lorand University, Budapest). This biennial conference, first held in 2005, attracts international scholars with diverse backgrounds and theoretical outlooks who come to share their current research on Iranian languages past and present. It was first held in Leipzig and thereafter in Hamburg, Paris, Uppsala and Bamberg. 

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Paris: ASSOCIATION POUR L’AVANCEMENT DES ÉTUDES IRANIENNES, 2016
Series
Cahiers, Studia Iranica, ISSN 0993 - 8699 ; 58
National Category
Specific Languages
Research subject
Iranian Languages
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-277752 (URN)
Conference
5th international conference on iranian linguistics, held in Bamberg on 24-26 august 2013.
Available from: 2016-02-23 Created: 2016-02-23 Last updated: 2018-01-10
Jahani, C. (2015). Complex predicates and the issue of transitivity: The case of Southern Balochi. In: Iván Szántó (Ed.), From Aṣl to Zā’id: Essays in Honour of Éva M. Jeremiás (pp. 79-105). Piliscsaba: The Avicenna Institute of Middle Eastern Studies
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Complex predicates and the issue of transitivity: The case of Southern Balochi
2015 (English)In: From Aṣl to Zā’id: Essays in Honour of Éva M. Jeremiás / [ed] Iván Szántó, Piliscsaba: The Avicenna Institute of Middle Eastern Studies , 2015, p. 79-105Chapter in book (Other academic)
Abstract [en]

Complex predicates (CPs) are very common in many Iranian languages. However, the source of transitivity of CPs in these languages is, according to previous studies, somewhat uncertain. In some cases the transitivity of the light verb (LV) is found to determine the transitivity of the CP, whereas in other cases it depends on the semantic transitivity of the whole CP. In Southern Balochi (SB), as well as in several other Iranian languages, where ergative alignment is found with transitive (tr.) predicates formed with the past stem, and accusative alignment with intransitive (itr.) predicates formed with the past stem, as well as with all predicates formed with the non-past (present–future) stem, the transitivity of a CP is evident from the alignment.

     The purpose of this article is to investigate the impact of the transitivity of the LV in determining the transitivity of a CP. The investigation is based on a corpus consisting of six texts and on interviews with three speakers of SB. The study shows that the transitivity of CPs is generally determined by the syntactic transitivity of the LV rather than the semantic transitivity of the whole CP. There is, however, one exception to this rule, namely the LV girag ‘to get’, which occurs with accusative alignment in semantically itr. CPs. A reasonable explanation of the fact that this verb appears at first sight to break the alignment rule is that it is an ambitransitive verb. Assuming it is, we can conclude that syntactic transitivity always takes supremacy over semantic transitivity in SB, a rule that applies both to CPs and to periphrastic verb constructions.

 

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Piliscsaba: The Avicenna Institute of Middle Eastern Studies, 2015
Series
Acta et Studia, ISSN 1785-0894 ; 13
Keywords
complex predicates, transitivity, ergativity, Iranian languages, Balochi
National Category
Specific Languages
Research subject
Iranian Languages
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-254156 (URN)978-615-5343-03-2 (ISBN)
Available from: 2015-08-27 Created: 2015-06-04 Last updated: 2018-01-11Bibliographically approved
Jahani, C. & Korn, A. (2015). Grammaticalisation in the verb system in Iranian languages. In: : . Paper presented at Symposium „Grammaticalization“ “Areal patterns of grammaticalization and cross-linguistic variation in grammaticalization scenarios”.
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Grammaticalisation in the verb system in Iranian languages
2015 (English)Conference paper, Oral presentation with published abstract (Other academic)
National Category
General Language Studies and Linguistics
Research subject
Iranian Languages
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-278163 (URN)
Conference
Symposium „Grammaticalization“ “Areal patterns of grammaticalization and cross-linguistic variation in grammaticalization scenarios”
Available from: 2016-02-23 Created: 2016-02-23 Last updated: 2018-01-10Bibliographically approved
Jahani, C., Anonby, E. & Nourzaei, M. (2015). Korosh. Encyclopædia Iranica
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Korosh
2015 (English)In: Encyclopædia IranicaArticle, review/survey (Refereed) Published
National Category
Specific Languages
Research subject
Iranian Languages
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-279675 (URN)
Available from: 2016-03-02 Created: 2016-03-02 Last updated: 2018-01-10
Nourzaei, M., Jahani, C., Anonby, E. & Ahangar, A. A. (2015). Koroshi: A Corpus-based Grammatical Description. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Koroshi: A Corpus-based Grammatical Description
2015 (English)Book (Refereed)
Abstract [en]

The Korosh people are scattered across large areas of southern Iran, from Hormozgan all the way to Khuzestan, and onto the Iranian plateau. This group, which numbers over 10,000 people, is found in significant concentrations near Bandar Abbas in Hormozgan Province, in north-western Fars Province around Shiraz, and across the southern part of Fars Province. 

Although oral accounts situate the provenance of the Korosh in Balochistan, and their language is closely related to southern varieties of Balochi, they have a distinct identity. Some affirm a historical and ethnic connection to the Baloch, but others view themselves as an autonomous tribe; in north-western Fars Province, members of the group maintain an affiliation with the larger Qašqā’i tribal confederacy.

The present work contributes to the study of the Korosh through the lens of their language, Koroshi. The corpus for this study has been gathered among speakers of the dialect of Koroshi spoken around Shiraz. The book opens with a brief overview of the Korosh people and their culture. The main part of the study consists of an in-depth, corpus-based description of the phonology and morphosyntax of the Koroshi language; a corpus of seven glossed and translated texts of different genres; and a glossary of more than 1200 items. This documentation is supplemented with a CD containing soundfiles of the texts, a searchable PDF of the book, and images of the Koroshi community.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2015. p. 315
Series
Studia Iranica Upsaliensia, ISSN 1100-326X ; 13
Keywords
Koroshi, Balochi, Iranian languages, language documentation, corpus linguistics, oral narratives, Koroshi, Balochi, langues iraniennes, documentation linguistique, linguistique de corpus, récits oraux, Koroshi, Balochiska, Iranska språk, språkdokumentation, korpuslingvistik, muntliga berättelser
National Category
Specific Languages
Research subject
Iranian Languages
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-252421 (URN)978-91-554-9267-0 (DOI)
Available from: 2015-05-06 Created: 2015-05-06 Last updated: 2018-01-11
Jahani, C. (2015). On the Definite Marker in Modern Spoken Persian. In: : . Paper presented at International Conference on Iranian Linguistics, 6, Tbilisi.
Open this publication in new window or tab >>On the Definite Marker in Modern Spoken Persian
2015 (English)Conference paper, Oral presentation with published abstract (Other academic)
Abstract [en]

Definiteness as a grammatical category has been discussed in theoretical linguistics both from a philosophical and a discourse pragmatic point of view. One definition of definiteness is that it has to do with whether it is assumed that the addressee is acquainted with the referent of the NP or not (Abbott 2006: 393). Definite NPs can either refer to something previously introduced in the discourse or to something that the speaker assumes that the addressee knows already.

            In many languages, both definite and indefinite nouns are marked (e.g. English, French), in other languages only the definite noun is marked (Irish Gaelic) and in yet others, only the indefinite noun is marked (Turkish). Some languages neither mark definiteness nor indefiniteness on the noun (e.g. Russian) (Abbott 2006:398). Markers for indefiniteness often originate from the numeral ‘one’ and can either occur as indefinite articles (e.g. Swedish en/ett) or indefinite suffixes/clitics (e.g. Balochi =ē). As for markers for definiteness, they are often derived from demonstratives (e.g. Romance languages) (Lyons 1999: 331‒334).

            Modern Written Persian (MWP), as well as Classical Persian (CP) is a language that marks indefiniteness, or rather individuation (see e.g. Korn 2009: 75), with the clitic (CP , Middle Persian ēw ‘one’). There is no dedicated marker for definiteness in CP or MWP. On the contrary, there is a marker for definiteness -e (after C) and –he (after V)  in Modern Spoken Persian (MSP). This –e/-he carries stress. The purpose of this study is to investigate the use of this marker and discuss whether it should be regarded as a suffix or as a clitic. In this study, I investigate the use of -e to mark definiteness in MSP in five Persian films and by means of interviews with five L1 Persian speakers.

            Windfuhr and Perry (2009: 432) describes this marker as having “referential function to a person or an item” mentioned earlier in the discourse. Lazard (1992: 73­‒74) also describes this definiteness marker and notes that it is optionally used “better to mark definiteness”. This study, too, shows that the marking of definiteness is by no means obligatory in MSP. Inherently definite nouns (where there is only one possible referent) never take -e, such as ‘the sun, the moon, the world’. For other nouns in the singular, the -e is optionally present. Before the direct object clitic =ro it is realized as -a. There is no marking of definiteness in the plural.

The definite marker -e can be added to a noun phrase consisting of a noun plus an adjective, in which case the ezāfe which normally connects the adjective to the noun is dropped and the noun+adjective is compounded with only one word stress. The fact that the marker is added to the adjective could be the starting point in the grammaticalization of -e as a clitic rather than a suffix, but since the noun+adjective is re-shaped into a unit with only one word stress (on the definite marker) it seems at this point more correct to regard the -e as a suffix that attaches only to nouns.

A finding in Koroshi Balochi texts may be the key to the etymology of the definite suffix in Persian. In Koroshi the originally diminutive suffix -ok carrying stress is optionally used to mark a definite noun (see Jahani and Nourzaei 2011 where the whole text is published).

I therefore argue that the diminutive suffix in Persian, -ak, is a likely candidate for the origin of the -e suffix. The diminutive suffix carries stress, like the -e suffix, and a reduction of -ak > -a > -e in MSP is not hard to envisage. It may be interesting to note that the definite marker -aka in Sorani Kurdish is likewise stressed (on the final syllable) (Thackston, p. 9), and so is the definite marker -eke / -e in Bakhtiari (Anonby and Asadi 2014: 67). Also in these languages, the definiteness marker is likely to be a diminutive suffix that has taken on the grammatical role of marking definiteness.

 

References:

Anonby, Erik and Asadi, Ashraf (2014). Bakhtiari Studies. Phonology, Text, Lexicon (Studia Iranica Upsaliensia 24). Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis.

Abbott, B. (2006). “Definite and Indefinite”. Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics. Amsterdam and Oxford: Elsevier, pp. 392–398. ‪

Jahani, Carina, and Maryam Nourzaei (2011). “A Folktale in Koroshi Dedicated to Joy Edelman”. In: Leksika, ėtimologiya, yazykovye kontakty. K yubileyu doktora filologičeskix nauk professor Džoy Yosifovny Ėdel’man [Lexicon, etymology, linguistic contacts. For the birthday of Professor Joy Yosifovna Edelman, doctor of philosophy], ed. L.R. Dodyxudoeva, S. R. Vinogradova, and A. S. Bayandur, A. S. Moscow: Akademiya Nauk,  pp. 62‒70

Korn, Agnes (2009). “The Ergative System in Balochi from a Typological Perspective”. Iranian Journal of Applied Language Studies 1:1, 43–79.

Lazard, Gilbert (1992). A Grammar of Contemporary Persian. Transl. into English by Shirley A. Lyon. Costa Mesa and New York: Mazda Publishers.

Lyons, Christopher (1999). Definiteness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Thackston, W.M. Sorani Kurdish. A Reference Grammar with selected readings. Online at: http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~iranian/Sorani/sorani_1_grammar.pdf (retrieved 9 Nov. 2014)

Windfuhr, Gernot and Perry John R. (2009). “Persian and Tajik”. In: The Iranian Languages, ed. G. Windfuhr, London and New York: Routledge, pp. 416‒544.

National Category
Specific Languages
Research subject
Iranian Languages
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-277740 (URN)
Conference
International Conference on Iranian Linguistics, 6, Tbilisi
Available from: 2016-02-22 Created: 2016-02-22 Last updated: 2018-01-10Bibliographically approved
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