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Publications (10 of 44) Show all publications
Deglow, A. & Fjelde, H. (2024). Violent Elections and Citizens' Support for Democratic Constraints on the Executive: Evidence From Nigeria. Comparative Political Studies, 57(4), 613-643
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Violent Elections and Citizens' Support for Democratic Constraints on the Executive: Evidence From Nigeria
2024 (English)In: Comparative Political Studies, ISSN 0010-4140, E-ISSN 1552-3829, Vol. 57, no 4, p. 613-643Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

How do violent elections affect the willingness of citizens to defend democratic institutions? We argue that in the wake of violent elections, support for democratic constraints on the executive will diverge amongst ruling and opposition party supporters. To protect their position, ruling party supporters become more likely to endorse weakening constraints on executive power, even if it violates democratic principles. Opposition supporters, on the other hand, become more likely to reject democratic transgressions that de facto render them more vulnerable to political abuse. We examine these expectations using a vignette experiment embedded in a nationally representative 2019 post-election survey of 2400 Nigerians. Our findings suggest that incumbent supporters are overall more likely to endorse weaker constraints on the executive, but these attitudes are not reinforced by information about election violence. Opposition supporters, in contrast, become less likely to accept transgressions when informed about election violence.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Sage Publications, 2024
Keywords
democratization, elections, public opinion, support for democracy, democratic backsliding, vignette experiment, Nigeria, election violence
National Category
Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-519126 (URN)10.1177/00104140231178730 (DOI)001008302700001 ()
Funder
The Royal Swedish Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities (KVHAA)Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation, 2017.0141Swedish Research Council, 2016-05833
Available from: 2024-01-03 Created: 2024-01-03 Last updated: 2024-05-21Bibliographically approved
Daxecker, U. & Fjelde, H. (2022). Electoral Violence, Partisan Identity, and Perceptions of Election Quality: A Survey Experiment in West Bengal, India. Comparative politics, 55(1), 47-69
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Electoral Violence, Partisan Identity, and Perceptions of Election Quality: A Survey Experiment in West Bengal, India
2022 (English)In: Comparative politics, ISSN 0010-4159, E-ISSN 2151-6227, Vol. 55, no 1, p. 47-69Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

What are the consequences of election violence for citizens' political attitudes? We argue that in polarized contexts, citizens' interpretation of electoral violence depends on their partisan affiliations. When presented with information alleging co-partisans' involvement in violence, people with strong partisan identities become more likely to assert that elections were free and fair. We test this expectation with a vignette experiment in West Bengal after India's 2019 elections, presenting respondents with information about violence while varying the partisan identity of the perpetrator. Consistent with expectations, supporters of the Trinamool Congress (TMC) increased their evaluations of election quality when hearing about co-partisan violence. We find no evidence of disconfirmation bias for Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) supporters; their recent shift to the party plausibly explains this finding.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
City University of New York, 2022
Keywords
election quality, electoral violence, partisanship, polarization, motivated reasoning, West Bengal, India
National Category
Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-519122 (URN)10.5129/001041522x16430324169141 (DOI)000865312000003 ()
Funder
Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation, 2017.0141The Royal Swedish Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities (KVHAA)EU, European Research Council, 852439
Available from: 2024-01-03 Created: 2024-01-03 Last updated: 2024-01-11Bibliographically approved
Fjelde, H. & Höglund, K. (2022). Introducing the Deadly Electoral Conflict Dataset (DECO). Journal of Conflict Resolution, 66(1), 162-185
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Introducing the Deadly Electoral Conflict Dataset (DECO)
2022 (English)In: Journal of Conflict Resolution, ISSN 0022-0027, E-ISSN 1552-8766, Vol. 66, no 1, p. 162-185Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

This article introduces the Deadly Electoral Conflict dataset (DECO): a global, georeferenced event dataset on electoral violence with lethal outcomes from 1989 to 2017. DECO allows for empirical evaluation of theories relating to the timing, location, and dynamics of deadly electoral violence. By clearly distinguishing electoral violence from related (and sometimes concurrent) instances of organized violence, DECO is particularly suitable for investigating how election-related violence is connected to other forms of violent political contention. In the article, we present the theoretical and methodological underpinnings of the data collection and discuss empirical patterns that emerge in DECO. We also demonstrate one potential use of DECO by examining the association between United Nations peacekeeping forces and the prevalence of deadly electoral violence in conflict-affected countries.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Sage Publications, 2022
Keywords
elections, violence, conflict data, electoral violence, civil war, event data
National Category
Political Science
Research subject
Peace and Conflict Research
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-446018 (URN)10.1177/00220027211021620 (DOI)000664145800001 ()
Funder
Riksbankens Jubileumsfond, P16-0124:1The Research Council of Norway, 217995/V10
Available from: 2021-06-16 Created: 2021-06-16 Last updated: 2023-08-23Bibliographically approved
Fjelde, H. & Smidt, H. M. (2022). Protecting the Vote?: Peacekeeping Presence and the Risk of Electoral Violence. British Journal of Political Science, 52(3), 1113-1132
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Protecting the Vote?: Peacekeeping Presence and the Risk of Electoral Violence
2022 (English)In: British Journal of Political Science, ISSN 0007-1234, E-ISSN 1469-2112, Vol. 52, no 3, p. 1113-1132Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

Democracy assistance, including the promotion of electoral security, is often a central component of contemporary peacekeeping operations. Preventing violence during post-conflict elections is critical for the war-to-democracy transition. Yet little is known about the role of peacekeepers in this effort. To fill this gap, this study provides the first comprehensive sub-national study of peacekeeping effectiveness in reducing the risk of electoral violence. It combines geo-referenced data on peacekeeping deployment across all multidimensional peacekeeping missions in Africa over the past two decades with fine-grained data on electoral violence. The analysis finds a negative association between peacekeeping presence and the risk of electoral violence. The relationship is of a similar magnitude in the pre- and post-election periods. However, the association is more strongly negative for violence perpetrated by non-state actors compared to violence perpetrated by government-affiliated actors. Analyses using two-way fixed-effects models and matching mitigate potential selection biases.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Cambridge University Press, 2022
Keywords
electoral violence, United Nations, peacekeeping, conflict management
National Category
Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
Research subject
Peace and Conflict Research
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-463480 (URN)10.1017/s0007123421000132 (DOI)000774794800001 ()
Funder
Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation, KAW 2017.0141)The Royal Swedish Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities (KVHAA)
Available from: 2022-01-10 Created: 2022-01-10 Last updated: 2023-08-23Bibliographically approved
Buhaug, H., Croicu, M., Fjelde, H. & von Uexkull, N. (2021). A conditional model of local income shock and civil conflict. Journal of Politics, 83(1), 354-366
Open this publication in new window or tab >>A conditional model of local income shock and civil conflict
2021 (English)In: Journal of Politics, ISSN 0022-3816, E-ISSN 1468-2508, Vol. 83, no 1, p. 354-366Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

Common political economy models point to rationalist motives for engaging in conflict but say little about how income shocks translate into collective violence in some cases but not in others. Grievance models, in contrast, focus on structural origins of shared frustration but offer less insight into when the deprived decide to challenge the status quo. Addressing these lacunae, we develop a theoretical model of civil conflict that predicts income loss to trigger violent mobilization primarily when the shock can be linked to pre-existing collective grievances. The conditional argument is supported by results of a comprehensive global statistical analysis of conflict involvement among ethnic groups. Consistent with theory, we find that this relationship is most powerful among recently downgraded groups, especially in the context of agricultural dependence and low local level of development, whereas political downgrading in the absence of adverse economic changes exerts less influence on ethnic conflict risk.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
University of Chicago Press, 2021
Keywords
Civil war, grievance, ethnicity, economic shock, opportunity cost
National Category
Political Science
Research subject
Peace and Conflict Research; Peace and Conflict Research
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-397447 (URN)10.1086/709671 (DOI)000605601600001 ()
Funder
Sida - Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, 2016- 06389Swedish Research Council Formas, 2016- 06389Swedish Research Council, 2016- 06389EU, European Research Council, 648291EU, European Research Council, 694640
Available from: 2019-11-20 Created: 2019-11-20 Last updated: 2024-01-15Bibliographically approved
Fjelde, H., Hultman, L., Schubiger, L., Hug, S., Cederman, L.-E. & Sollenberg, M. (2021). Introducing the Ethnic One-Sided Violence Dataset. Conflict Management and Peace Science, 38(1), 109-126
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Introducing the Ethnic One-Sided Violence Dataset
Show others...
2021 (English)In: Conflict Management and Peace Science, ISSN 0738-8942, E-ISSN 1549-9219, Vol. 38, no 1, p. 109-126Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

This article introduces the Ethnic One-Sided Violence dataset (EOSV) that provides information on the ethnic identity of civilian victims of direct and deliberate killings by state and non-state actors from 1989 to 2013. The EOSV dataset disaggregates the civilian victims in the one-sided violence dataset from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program by identifying which ethnic group they belong to, using the list of politically relevant ethnic groups from the Ethnic Power Relations data. By providing information on the ethnic targets of violence, EOSV enables researchers to explore new questions about the logic and dynamics of violence against civilians.

Keywords
Conflict data, ethnicity, one-sided violence, violence against civilians
National Category
Political Science
Research subject
Peace and Conflict Research
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-400472 (URN)10.1177/0738894219863256 (DOI)000488447100001 ()
Funder
Swedish Research Council, E0136501
Available from: 2019-12-20 Created: 2019-12-20 Last updated: 2021-03-25Bibliographically approved
Fjelde, H., Knutsen, C. H. & Mokleiv Nygård, H. (2021). Which institutions matter?: Re-considering the democratic civil peace. International Studies Quarterly, 65(1), 223-237
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Which institutions matter?: Re-considering the democratic civil peace
2021 (English)In: International Studies Quarterly, ISSN 0020-8833, E-ISSN 1468-2478, Vol. 65, no 1, p. 223-237Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

Despite decades of research, there is no consensus on the relationship between democratic institutions and risk of civil war. We alleviate measurement issues and theoretical ambiguity in much existing work by theoretically and empirically unpacking core features of democracy and their relationship to civil war. We distinguish between institutions that impose vertical constraints on leaders from the population at large, and institutions that allow various groups, including non-incumbent elites, to place horizontal constraints on leader behavior. Both types of democratic institutions, we argue, help leaders overcome commitment problems related to potential agents of rebellion, thus reducing civil war risk. This is particularly so when these institutional mechanisms reinforce each other. Using precise institutional indicators from Varieties of Democracy, we disentangle and separately measure the dimensions of interest. Both vertical and (especially) horizontal constraints mitigate civil war risk, but only clearly so when both types of constraining institutions co-exist in so-called liberal democracies. Absent constraints from a capable parliament or independent judiciary, improvements to the freeness and fairness of elections do not mitigate civil war onset.

Abstract [fr]

Malgré des décennies de recherche, il n’existe aucun consensus sur la relation entre les institutions démocratiques et les guerres civiles. Nous atténuons les problèmes de mesure et l’ambiguité théorique de nombreux travaux existants en analysant les caractéristiques fondamentales de la démocratie et leur relation avec les guerres civiles dun point de vue théorique et empirique. Nous distinguons les institutions qui imposent des contraintes verticales aux dirigeants par le biais de la population globale de celles qui permettent á divers groupes, y compris aux élites qui ne sont pas au pouvoir, dimposer des contraintes horizontales pour le comportement des dirigeants. Nous soutenons que ces deux types d’institutions démocratiques aident les dirigeants á surmonter les problèmes dengagement liés aux agents rebelles potentiels, réduisant ainsi le risque de guerre civile. Cela est particulièrement vrai lorsque ces mécanismes institutionnels se renforcent mutuellement. Nous nous appuyons sur des indicateurs institutionnels précis issus de V-Dem pour dégager et mesurer séparément les dimensions dintérêt. Les contraintes verticales et horizontales atténuent toutes deux le risque de guerre civile, mais uniquement lorsque les deux types dinstitutions contraignantes coexistent dans des démocraties dites libérales. En l’absence de contraintes émanant dun parlement compétent ou d’un système judiciaire indépendant, les améliorations apportées á la liberté et á l’équité des élections n’atténuent pas le risque de déclenchement de guerre civile.

Abstract [es]

A pesar de las décadas de investigación, no hay consenso sobre la relación entre las instituciones democráticas y el riesgo de una guerra civil. Minimizamos los problemas de medición y la ambiguedad teórica en gran parte del trabajo existente desentrañando de manera teórica y empírica los rasgos fundamentales de la democracia y su relación con la guerra civil. Realizamos una distinción entre las instituciones que imponen restricciones verticales a los líderes de la población en general y las instituciones que permiten a varios grupos, incluidas las elites no tradicionales, imponer restricciones horizontales al comportamiento de los líderes. Sostenemos que ambos tipos de instituciones democráticas ayudan a los líderes a enfrentar los problemas de compromiso relacionados con los posibles agentes de la rebelión a fin de reducir el riesgo de una guerra civil. Esto es particularmente cierto cuando dichos mecanismos institucionales se refuerzan entre sí. Mediante indicadores institucionales precisos de variedades de democracia (Varieties of Democracy, V-Dem), esclarecemos y medimos por separado las dimensiones de interés. Tanto las restricciones verticales como las horizontales minimizan el riesgo de una guerra civil, pero solo cuando ambos tipos de instituciones restrictivas coexisten en lo que conocemos como democracias liberales. En ausencia de las restricciones de un parlamento competente o de un poder judicial independiente, las mejoras en la libertad e imparcialidad de las elecciones no reducen la posibilidad de que se desate una guerra civil.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Oxford University PressOxford University Press (OUP), 2021
National Category
Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
Research subject
Peace and Conflict Research
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-430703 (URN)10.1093/isq/sqaa076 (DOI)000637287200018 ()
Funder
Riksbankens Jubileumsfond, P16-0124:1The Royal Swedish Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities (KVHAA)Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation, KAW 2017.0141
Available from: 2021-01-12 Created: 2021-01-12 Last updated: 2024-01-15Bibliographically approved
Brosché, J., Fjelde, H. & Höglund, K. (2020). Electoral violence and the legacy of authoritarian rule in Kenya and Zambia. Journal of Peace Research, 57(1), 111-125
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Electoral violence and the legacy of authoritarian rule in Kenya and Zambia
2020 (English)In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 57, no 1, p. 111-125Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

Why do the first multiparty elections after authoritarian rule turn violent in some countries but not in others? Thisarticle places legacies from the authoritarian past at the core of an explanation of when democratic openings becomeassociated with electoral violence in multi-ethnic states, and complement existing research focused on the immediateconditions surrounding the elections. We argue that authoritarian rule characterized by more exclusionary multiethniccoalitions creates legacies that amplify the risk of violent elections during the shift to multiparty politics.Through competitive and fragmented interethnic relations, exclusionary systems foreclose the forging of cross-ethnicelite coalitions and make hostile narratives a powerful tool for political mobilization. By contrast, regimes with abroad-based ethnic support base cultivate inclusive inter-elite bargaining, enable cross-ethnic coalitions, and reduceincentives for hostile ethnic mobilization, which lower the risk of violent elections. We explore this argument bycomparing founding elections in Zambia (1991), which were largely peaceful, and Kenya (1992), with large-scalestate-instigated electoral violence along ethnic lines. The analysis suggests that the type of authoritarian rule createdpolitical legacies that underpinned political competition and mobilization during the first multiparty elections, andmade violence a more viable electoral strategy in Kenya than in Zambia.

Keywords
authoritarianism, elections, ethnicity, Kenya, violence, Zambia
National Category
Political Science
Research subject
Peace and Conflict Research
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-398351 (URN)10.1177/0022343319884983 (DOI)000500128200001 ()
Funder
Riksbankens Jubileumsfond, P16-0124:1Swedish Research Council, 348-2013-5408Swedish Research Council, 2016-05833
Available from: 2019-12-05 Created: 2019-12-05 Last updated: 2021-03-24Bibliographically approved
Cil, D., Fjelde, H., Hultman, L. & Nilsson, D. (2020). Mapping Blue Helmets: Introducing the Geocoded Peacekeeping Operations (Geo-PKO) dataset. Journal of Peace Research, 57(2), 360-370
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Mapping Blue Helmets: Introducing the Geocoded Peacekeeping Operations (Geo-PKO) dataset
2020 (English)In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 57, no 2, p. 360-370Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

In this article, we introduce the Geocoded Peacekeeping Operations (Geo-PKO) dataset, which presents new data on subnational peacekeeping deployment for all UN missions to Africa, 1994–2014. The Geo-PKO dataset is the most comprehensive dataset of its kind and enables scholars to address new questions about peacekeeping operations and their effects by exploring variations in peacekeeping at the subnational level. The dataset offers information on several key features of peacekeeping deployment at the local level, such as data on the size of deployments and how these vary over time, as well as information on the location of mission headquarters, the type of peacekeepers deployed, and which troop-contributing countries deploy to each location. This article describes the data collection process and illustrates some of the many utilities of this dataset for the scholarly community. For example, we show that peacekeeping troops are able to reduce battle-related violence in areas with high road density, suggesting that peacekeepers’ ability to project their power is stronger when they can increase their reach and more easily patrol larger territories. Hence, our data can fruitfully be combined with information such as socio-economic, geographical or demographic characteristics, to further explore how peacekeeping operations can contribute to peace and security in the areas where they operate. By providing fine-grained data on the location of peacekeepers across time and space, the Geo-PKO dataset should help facilitate important inquires that can push the research agenda on peacekeeping forward.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
SAGE Publications, 2020
Keywords
civil conflict, peacekeeping, subnational data
National Category
Political Science
Research subject
Peace and Conflict Research
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-400470 (URN)10.1177/0022343319871978 (DOI)000491752200001 ()
Funder
Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation, 2014.0162Swedish Research Council, 2015-01235
Available from: 2019-12-20 Created: 2019-12-20 Last updated: 2023-03-29Bibliographically approved
Fjelde, H. (2020). Political party strength and electoral violence. Journal of Peace Research, 57(1), 140-155, Article ID 0022343319885177.
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Political party strength and electoral violence
2020 (English)In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 57, no 1, p. 140-155, article id 0022343319885177Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

Existing research on the causes of electoral violence has focused on structural determinants and election-specific characteristics but has paid less attention to the role of political agents that contest elections. This study addresses this gap by examining the relationship between the organizational strength of political parties and the risk of electoral violence. The study argues that strong political parties enhance the prospect for peaceful electoral dynamics for two reasons. First, having strong party organizations reduce incentives for violent electoral manipulation because these organizations enable more cost-efficient ways to mobilize voters. Second, strong party organizations constrain political actors from deploying electoral violence, both at the leadership and grassroot levels. The relationship between political party strength and electoral violence is studied by combining global data on the overall strength of political parties in the polity with data on violence across all national elections from 1946 to 2010. The statistical analysis accounts for a number of potentially confounding variables related to formal political institutions and election-specific characteristics. The results point to a statistically significant and substantively important association between strong political parties and a reduced risk of violent electoral conflict.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
SAGE Publications, 2020
Keywords
elections, electoral violence, political parties
National Category
Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-425757 (URN)10.1177/0022343319885177 (DOI)000507009200001 ()
Funder
Knut and Alice Wallenberg FoundationSwedish Research Council, 2016-05833
Available from: 2020-12-01 Created: 2020-12-01 Last updated: 2020-12-01Bibliographically approved
Projects
Patrimonialism, Globalisation and Civil Conflict; Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict ResearchProgramme on Governance, Conflict and Peacebuilding; Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research; Publications
Nilsson, D. (2012). Anchoring the Peace: Civil Society Actors in Peace Accords and Durable Peace. International Interactions, 38(2), 243-266Ohlson, T. (Ed.). (2012). From Intra-State War to Durable Peace: Conflict and Its Resolution in Africa after the Cold War. Dordrecht: Republic of Letters PublishingNilsson, D. & Söderberg Kovacs, M. (2011). Revisiting an Elusive Concept: A Review of the Debate on Spoilers in Peace Processes. International Studies Review, 13(4), 606-626Lindgren, M. (2011). Sexual Violence Beyond Conflict Termination: Impunity for Past Violations as a Recipe for New Ones?. Durban, South Africa: ACCORD (15)Höglund, K. & Jarstad, A. K. (2011). Toward Electoral Security: Experiences from KwaZulu-Natal. Africa Spectrum, 46(1), 33-59Themnér, A. (2011). Violence in Post-Conflict Societies: Remarginalization, Remobilizers and Relationships. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: RoutledgeNilsson, D. (2010). Agreements and Sustainability. In: Nigel J. Young (Ed.), The Oxford International Encyclopedia of Peace: Volume I (pp. 30-32). New York: Oxford University PressHöglund, K. & Söderberg Kovacs, M. (2010). Beyond the Absence of War: The Diversity of Peace in Post-Settlement Societies. Review of International Studies, 36(2), 367-390Höglund, K. & Jarstad, A. K. (2010). Strategies to Prevent and Manage Electoral Violence: Considerations for Policy. Durban: ACCORDNilsson, D. (2010). Turning Weakness into Strength: Military Capabilities, Multiple Rebel Groups and Negotiated Settlements. Conflict Management and Peace Science, 27(3), 253-271
Who, Where and Why: Understanding Microfoundations of Civil War [2009-01833]; Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research; Publications
Fjelde, H. & Østby, G. (2014). Socioeconomic Inequality and Communal Conflict: A Disaggregated Analysis of Sub-Saharan Africa, 1990-2008. International Interactions, 40(5), 737-762Fjelde, H. & Hultman, L. (2014). Weakening the Enemy: A Disaggregated Study of Violence against Civilians in Africa. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 58(7), 1230-1257Hultman, L. (2012). Attacks on Civilians in Civil War: Targeting the Achilles Heel of Democratic Governments. International Interactions, 38(2), 164-181Hultman, L. (2012). Military Offensives in Afghanistan: A Double-Edged Sword. International Area Studies Review, 15(3), 230-248Fjelde, H. & Nilsson, D. (2012). Rebels against Rebels: Explaining Violence between Rebel Groups. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 56(4), 604-628
Electing Violence? The Causes of Electoral Violence in Africa [2010-01515]; Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research; Publications
Brosché, J. & Höglund, K. (2016). Crisis of governance in South Sudan: electoral politics and violence in the world's newest nation. Journal of Modern African Studies, 54(1), 67-90Fjelde, H. & Höglund, K. (2016). Electoral Institutions and Electoral Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa. British Journal of Political Science, 46(2), 297-320Fjelde, H. & Höglund, K. (2016). Electoral Violence: The Emergence of a Research Field. APSA Comparative Democratization Newsletter, 14(2)Fjelde, H. & Höglund, K. (2016). Here's One Way to Prevent Electoral Violence. Monkey Cage; The Washington PostFjelde, H. (2016). När val leder till konflikt. In: Jenny Björkman & Arne Jarrick (Ed.), Krig Fred: RJ:s årsbok 2016/2017 (pp. 59-66). Göteborg/Stockholm: Makadam FörlagFjelde, H. & Höglund, K. (2016). Våld vid valurnorna - vad beror det på?. Mänsklig säkerhetJarstad, A. K. & Höglund, K. (2015). Local violence and politics in KwaZulu-Natal: perceptions of agency in a post-conflict society. Third World Quarterly, 36(5), 967-984Höglund, K. & Fjelde, H. (2013). Fredslobotomi eller hållbar demokrati?: Kenyas framtid osäker trots fredliga val. Internationella Studier (2), 10-12Opitz, C., Fjelde, H. & Höglund, K. (2013). Including Peace: The Influence of Electoral Management Bodies on Electoral Violence. Journal of Eastern African Studies, 7(4), 713-731Höglund, K. (2011). Priset för demokrati får inte bli våldsamma val. Tvärsnitt: Humanistisk och samhällsvetenskaplig forskning (3-4), 32-35
Threatening Ties: Understanding wartime civilian targeting along ethnic lines [2014-01365_VR]; Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research; Publications
Fjelde, H., Hultman, L., Sollenberg, M. & Sundberg, R. (2018). Spatial Patterns of Violence against Civilians. In: Backer, David A., Ravi Bhavnani, & Paul K. Huth (Ed.), Peace and Conflict 2017: . New York, NY: RoutledgeFjelde, H., Hultman, L. & Sollenberg, M. (2016). Violence against Civilians in Civil War. In: David A. Backer, Ravi Bhavnani, and Paul K. HUth (Ed.), Peace and Conflict 2016: (pp. 42-49). RoutledgeFjelde, H. & Hultman, L. (2014). Weakening the Enemy: A Disaggregated Study of Violence against Civilians in Africa. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 58(7), 1230-1257
Klimatförändringar, matosäkerhet och väpnad konflikt [2016-06389_VR]; Uppsala UniversityViEWS: a political Violence Early Warning System; Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research; Publications
Hegre, H., Akbari, F., Croicu, M., Dale, J., Gåsste, T., Jansen, R., . . . Vesco, P. (2022). Forecasting fatalities. Hegre, H., Lindqvist-McGowan, A., Dale, J., Croicu, M., Randahl, D. & Vesco, P. (2022). Forecasting fatalities in armed conflict: Forecasts for April 2022-March 2025. Blocher, J., Destrijcker, L., Fischer, B., Gleixner, S., Gornott, C., Hegre, H., . . . Zvolsky, A. (2022). Moving from Reaction to Action - Anticipating Vulnerability Hotspots in the Sahel: A synthesis report from the Sahel Predictive Analytics project in support of the United Nations Integrated Strategy for the Sahel (UNISS). United Nations Office of the Special Coordinator for Development in the Sahel (OSCDS); United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)Hegre, H., Nygård, H. M. & Landsverk, P. (2021). Can We Predict Armed Conflict?: How the First 9 Years of Published Forecasts Stand Up to Reality. International Studies Quarterly, 65(3), 660-668Vesco, P., Kovacic, M., Mistry, M. & Croicu, M. (2021). Climate variability, crop and conflict: Exploring the impacts of spatial concentration in agricultural production. Journal of Peace Research, 58(1), 98-113Vesco, P. & Buhaug, H. (2020). Climate and Conflict. In: Hampson, Fen Osler; Azerdem, Alpaslan & Kent, Jonathan (Ed.), Routledge handbook of peace, security and development: (pp. 105-120). Abingdon; New York: RoutledgeHegre, H., Croicu, M., Eck, K. & Högbladh, S. (2020). Introducing the UCDP Candidate Events Dataset. Research & Politics, 7(3), 1-8Hegre, H., Hultman, L. & Nygård, H. M. (2019). Evaluating the conflict-reducing effect of UN peacekeeping operations. Journal of Politics, 81(1), 215-232Hegre, H., Allansson, M., Basedau, M., Colaresi, M., Croicu, M., Fjelde, H., . . . Vestby, J. (2019). ViEWS: A political violence early-warning system. Journal of Peace Research, 56(2), 155-174
Political legacies of electoral violence: understanding challenges for democratic transition [2016-05833_VR]; Uppsala University
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