I denna uppsats undersöks hur inställningen till statligt ägande förändrats från början av 1990-talet till mitten av 2000-talet. Genom att undersöka den borgerliga regeringens proposition om minskat statligt ägande från 1991/92 med den borgerliga regeringens proposition om minskat statligt ägande från 2006/07 skapas en förståelse om hur de båda förslagen liknar varandra och hur de skiljer sig åt. Till de båda propositionerna lägger oppositionspartierna fram sina åsikter i motioner. Motionerna undersöks och bidrar till att skapa en bredare förståelse för den ekonomiska och politiska förändring som analyseras.
För att sätta undersökningen i en historisk kontext presenteras en historisk bakgrund. I den historiska bakgrunden diskuteras Sveriges ekonomiska och politiska förändring under 1980-talet fram till alliansregeringens tillträde 2006. Fokus ligger här på de nya ekonomiska idéer som växer fram och hur dessa idéer påverkar det politiska klimatet.
Genomgånge av de två olika förslagen som undersökningen bygger på visar att det finns likheter men också vissa skillnader mellan de båda förslagen. Regeringen 1991/92 vill sälja av statliga företag för att skapa en mer dynamisk och effektiv marknad. Regeringen 2006/07 vill sälja av statliga företag för att skapa en mer dynamisk och effektiv marknad för att på så sätt skapa fler jobb och bryta utanförskapet.
Resultatet av undersökningen visar att det finns skillnader i hur de två undersökta regeringarna förhåller sig till statligt ägande. De har olika mål med att sälja ut statliga bolag, den övergripande visionen är annorlunda. Anledningen till detta kan bero på flera olika faktorer. Beroende på hur resultatet tolkas i relation till den historiska kontexten kan flera olika förklaringar konstateras.
The thesis studies the Swedish government policy of freight transports during a period ofstructural change since the 1920s. The focus is on the 1963 Transport Act, which introduced amore market-oriented approach. The views of the trade unions during this process areanalysed in more detail. Frequent financial problems of the railways were the main driverbehind different policy decisions in the Swedish Parliament, such as the nationalisation in1939, tightened quantity control of road freight transports, as well as the liberalisation in 1963and its abrupt cancellation 5 years later. No policy change was implemented without thesupport of Statens Järnvägar, the state-owned railway. Unions were sceptical to theliberalisation programme and preferred varying degrees of regulation and planning, althoughstated in general terms. They also agreed on the need for quantity control for most of theperiod, but for different reasons. After supporting Transport workers resistance toliberalisation of quantity control in the late 1940s, LO, the peak organisation, became morepositive in the 1960s, which created a split between the unions. As the problems for therailways deepened later, LO joined the Railway workers in support for rigorous transportplanning, which was fiercely resisted by the Transport Workers, which further increased therift.
In the first half of the 20th century, the researchers in the medical sciences in Sweden were dependent on funding from private foundations. Earlier research has shown that the foundation Stiftelsen Therese och Johan Anderssons Minne was a financier of great importance especially for the 1920s until the 1950s. This paper is written with the purpose of examining how the financing has changed over time, by analyzing the foundations yearly accounts from 1931 until 1963. I will show that physiologists and chemists took a dominant position in the fight for funds. In conclusion, it seems that the fact that the colleague of teachers at Karolinska had the power to decide who to fund were an important factor for the foundations activity. The characteristics of the medical research exercised by the researchers applying for funds were not the sole factor which affected the outcome.
Denna undersökningen handlar om kvinnlighet. Kvinnligheten som ideal undersöks i denna studie med annonser som material. De undersökta annonserna kom från veckotidningarna Hemmets Journal och Husmodern var tidningar som riktade sig till kvinnor. De undersökta åren är mellan 1950-1970 med nedslag på åren 1950, 1960 och 1970. Två nummer från respektive år undersöktes.De kvinnliga idealen som framställdes i annonserna avtog under undersökningen i antal men även i andelar, främst mellan åren 1960-1970. Metoden som användes var dels kvantitativ men också kvalitativ. Den kvalitativa metoden, semiotisk bildanalys, inbegrepp indexikala tecken. Indexikala tecken är ting i en bild som talar för något utanför bilden. I detta fall användes detta för att tolka kvinnliga ideal. I annonserna avtog dessa över tid. Samtidigt kunde även populärpressens utveckling ses på så sätt att konkurrensen från andra media blev synligt i antalet annonser.
Scholars within the fields of political ecology, environmental political theory, and international political economy tend to evaluate the prospects of state-led environmental transitions in general terms – enquiring as to the capitalist state’s inherent properties and their environmental implications. Less attention has been paid to how the state’s green capacities are conditioned by contemporary evolutions in the form and pace of capital accumulation. Capitalism’s directional pattern of historical development poses unique challenges for green state projects. Its drive to raise labour productivity metabolises nature on a growing scale, while generating conditions of overproduction and rendering a progressively larger portion of the population superfluous to the production process. Thus, the question is not simply whether the state can rise to the challenge of climate change, but rather how states are scrambling to govern the intersecting crises of climate catastrophe, economic stagnation, and surplus humanity. This ‘wicked trinity’ compounds the tensions at the heart of the capitalist state, resulting in an increasing inability to perform its role while sustaining its liberal form. This governance trilemma is illustrated by the case of the solar photovoltaic boom, where the spectacular increase in the productivity and scale of solar panel manufacturing have generated oversupply and falling profitability. States have reacted by indefinitely providing subsidies, financing automation technologies that exacerbate labour superfluity, and relocating solar panel manufacturing to places with authoritarian labour regimes. The case of photovoltaics is a microcosm of the general predicament faced by states as they struggle to govern capitalism’s secular developmental tendencies.
Ångpanneföreningens utveckling under början av 1900-talet och framför allt skapandet av en elektroteknisk avdelning studeras med ett teoretiskt ramverk hämtat från Schöns tankar om strukturkriser. Kontroverserna kring skapandet av den elektrotekniska avdelningen studeras. Föreningsformen och energibranschen blir avgörande för ÅF upp-och genomlever Kreugerkraschen och den efterföljande krisen.
he article examines the relationship between state policy and commercial initiatives within the institutions of the ancien régime, namely consuls. By exploring the case of the Swedish consulate in Naples in the mid eighteenth century, it addresses the role of private actors in the establishment of consulates, the Swedish authorities’ problems controlling the consular network from a distance, not least because of the specificity of the local operational contexts. The article challenges the standard interpretation of the Swedish consular service being subject to an effective government-led policy of controlling and promoting the expansion of the Swedish merchant marine in the Mediterranean. Further, it suggests considering consuls as ancien régime entrepreneurs of a particular type, who used their political resources to achieve both economic and symbolic outcomes, by taking a pragmatic, micro-analytical approach to the relationship between institutions and the economy.
Det övergripande syftet med uppsatsen var att undersöka hur och till vilken grad SKF:s utländska investerare har påverkat utvecklingen i SKF mellan 1988 och 2002. Jag valde att inrikta mig på tre specifika områden. För det första valde jag att undersöka utvecklingen kring ägarstrukturen och makten inom SKF. För det andra valde jag att undersöka utländska investerares påverkan på SKF:s finanser och för det tredje att undersöka ett eventuellt samband mellan andelen utländska investerare och SKF-aktiens kursutvecklingUndersökningen resulterade i att det är väldigt svårt att påvisa ett samband mellan utländska investerares ökande ägarandel och SKF:s generella utveckling. Ingen specifik andel kan tillmätas dem, men vi får trots det inte förbise att de faktiskt ägde en allt större del i SKF.
This paper explores the impact of media ownership on representations of elites during a period of political change. We conduct a qualitative media analysis of 175 articles in leading Russian and Ukrainian news outlets around the 2013-14 Maidan protests that lead to a revolution and military conflict in Ukraine. We find that portrayals of wealthy elites change over time, but vary by media ownership in discrete but parallel ways across oligarch-owned, state-controlled, and independent news. The paper details news patterns alongside protest dynamics, and discusses how ownership remains a driving factor shaping media content during episodes of rapid political change.
Although the second half of the twentieth century saw the rise and fall of ‘multi-flag companies’ (MFCs) in the civil aviation industry, our understanding of how some managed to buck the trend and achieve longevity remains limited. This article advances business history and strategic management research by examining the strategic renewal activities of Scandinavian Airlines (formerly Scandinavian Airlines System [SAS]) during the period 1946–2012. The study sheds light on the key roles of private and state owners, rivals as well as banks, in critical financial phases are discussed in terms of longevity in the company. The longevity of the business stems from the leaders’ ability to develop as anticipated and respond to change in their competitive arena in close interaction with the owners. Thus, incumbent firms that strategically renew themselves prior to or during market reform, such as deregulation, enhance their chances of developing the size of their networks and revenue streams. Our main contribution to business history and strategic management literatures is the development of context-specific stages, which shed light on the evolution of strategic renewal activities and shifts from older processes and routines towards customer service and efficiency.
Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka huruvida det var inkomsten eller om det var preferenser oberoende av inkomsten som var främsta orsaken till hur hushåll spenderade pengar på bostad och hygien. Det kommer göras genom ett urval på 100 hushåll från Socialstyrelsens Levnadskostnadsundersökningar från 1913-1914. Det resultat som framkom var att den främsta orsaken var inkomsten och inte preferenser obundna till inkomsten.
This article aims to analyse and compare the patent collaboration networks of Spain and Sweden during the Second Industrial Revolution, a key period for technological and industrial development in several economies and the distinct development paths taken by these two countries. The data used are from two new historical patent datasets for Spain and Sweden for the period 1878-1914. To study the structure of collaboration networks in both countries, we applied social network analysis methods and focused on two specific key network properties: connectivity and openness to external nodes. The results demonstrate that collaboration networks were better connected and more open to foreign influence in Sweden than in Spain. This research opens new paths for further multidisciplinary studies both on the evolution of industrial economies and on innovation networks dynamics.
The article analyses Swedish and Finnish patent agents and their businesses at the turn of the twentieth century. Due to legal requirements, all foreign patent applications had to pass through the hands of patent agents. Despite the central role, this transnational business of technology intermediation has received only limited attention in the scholarship. The article studies the business relationships between the patent agents and their clients, and employs new datasets, which include information about all foreign patentees using a patent agent in 1860–1910. The main findings are that the transnational business relationships affected the specialisation of national patent agents, especially in Finland, where patent agents with a legal background contributed to the inflow of inventions managed by Swedish patent agents. Patent agent services also represented significant indirect costs of the patent systems for their foreign clients.
This paper holds a study of Swedish inequality from 1900-1985 with specific focus on the half-decades of 1900-1905 and 1980-1985. Subsequently constructed data and contemporary news outlets are presented to develop further understanding upon how inequality was depicted in comparison to data. Through a comparison of the time-periods, the developed understanding and changed stance of the public on the issue of inequality is examined. This method of examination gives new insight upon how the widening knowledge of inequality during the 1900s, through the development of micro-economic measurements, as well as more complete tax returns, has affected the depiction of the issue. The results of the study suggest that news articles of the latter period (1980-1985), tend to be more data-based than during the former time-period, where general assumptions were more frequent. It additionally suggests that the decreased inequality over the 20th century did not lessen the discussion of inequality, but rather the opposite. The news articles furthermore do not discuss inequality in relation to the presented data - the long-term changes are not clearly stated in the news outlets - but are in conclusion unconsciously considered, through the general knowledge of current inequality, through tax levels etc.
In this dissertation the construction of two coastal railways, the East Coast Line and the Bothnia Line, in the Norrland region of northern Sweden is used as a case study of how regionally based interest groups are formed, and how they gain access to decision-making processes on a national level. In periods when a number of preconditions were in place, a window of opportunity opened for the coastal railway that the regional elites could exploit. Among these was the ability to form a coherent regional interest group, through institutions that created platforms and power-bases that enable regional elites to co-operate and act on regional and national levels.The existence of an institutional framework that was adapitve towards regional railway promotion was also important. The study shows that the coastal railway had a very flexible role on the agenda, as it provided a fixed solution against which actors could pin a multitude of different problems. An important factor for explaining the development of the coastal railway question in Norrland was the ideological notion of the region itself. Being a vast, resource-rich and sparsely populated region, Norrland had almost always received special consideration in both public opinion and national policy making. It also created a remarkable stubbornness among the regional actors in working for the coastal railway. Regional interest groups had also learnt that linking their claims to Norrland's peripheral position had high legitimacy on the national arena, by claiming the need for regional fairness and/or the national importance of the regional export-intensive industries. This was instrumental in justifying the repeated exemptions from the national railway policy regimes that ultimately were decissive in making the regional elites successful.
This study explores the strategies employed by the Swedish RailwayCouncil to influence national railway policy from 1902 to 1967. The Council was a corporatist arrangement and functioned as a broker betweenindustrial and regional interests and the public railways. The resultsshow that though the Council's policy influence in many cases wasmarginal, there were occasions when the members could use the Council asa tool to influence railway policy, most notably the division of thenetwork into profitable and unprofitable lines, with different forms ofgovernment subsidies. The Council's influence gained from a shift inarguments from that tariffs should be high enough to deliver a return onthe invested capital, to an emphasis on having tariffs that could supportnational and regional economic development, even if it created commerciallosses. When Swedish transport policy shifted in the 1960s, the Railway Council gradually lost its importance and eventually dissolved.