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  • 1. Adams, Melinda
    et al.
    Smrek, Michal
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Making Institutions and Context Count: How Useful Is Feminist Institutionalism in Explaining Male Dominance in Politics?2018In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 14, no 2, p. 271-276Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    While the same formal candidate selection rules are generally in place throughout a state, there is often intracountry variation in male descriptive overrepresentation. To explain this variation, scholars cannot focus exclusively on women (e.g., how do women respond to formal institutional opportunities?) or femininity (e.g., how do norms governing appropriate female behavior affect women's odds of being selected as a candidate?). Rather, scholars must attend to the ways that informal norms regarding masculinity operate across space and time within a country. Drawing on the insights of feminist institutionalism, this essay examines two intracountry sources of variation in candidate selection: the spatial urban-rural divide and temporal differences between first-time recruitment and renomination. While the formal candidate selection rules are uniform, informal institutions vary depending on where and when we look, leading to different levels of male overrepresentation.

  • 2.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Arbetslöshet, arbetsplatsdemokrati och politiskt deltagande2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this thesis is to test two hypotheses about how work affects political participation. The first concerns unemployment, and states that unemployment has strong and negative effects on political activity. The second hypothesis is found in theories of participatory democracy, and claims that more democratic workplaces lead to more political participation. Existing empirical evidence on both of the hypotheses is not conclusive. Furthermore, studies have mainly been carried out using data collected in the United States. Here empirical tests of the hypotheses are undertaken using a Swedish survey.

    The results confirm the first hypothesis; unemployment has negative effects on political participation. The reasons for these negative effects are that the unemployed become less active in organisational life, fall outside of the recruitment networks where people are being asked to participate in politics, and experience a decrease in income. The second hypothesis is not supported. Workplace participation does not affect political participation, according to the analyses. The results are surprising for both hypotheses, and contradict previous empirical findings. The differences in results are likely due to differences in research design and differences in approaches to analysing political participation. Previous studies are inadequate in these perspectives, it is maintained.

    The thesis ends with a discussion of the results from the perspective of normative democratic theory. It is argued that the lack of political equality is particularly acute when the low participation among the unemployed is considered.

  • 3.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Does workplace experience enhance political participation?: A critical test of a venerable hypothesis2008In: Political Behavior, ISSN 0190-9320, E-ISSN 1573-6687, Vol. 30, no 1, p. 115-138Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Several schools of thought claim that citizens can develop their democratic skills at the workplace. Here I focus on the hypothesis put forward by Carole Pateman and by Sidney Verba and colleagues that state that by practicing civic skills and democratic decision-making at the workplace, citizens become more active in politics. I test the hypothesis with a nationally representative panel survey of the Swedish population. My findings contradict previous empirical research as no impact on political participation was discovered. I argue that the effects may have been overestimated in prior studies because the tests were based on cross-sectional data: insufficient care was taken with a number of significant methodological problems. The study points to the importance of using panel models when investigating the causes of political participation.

  • 4.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Department of Cultural Anthropology and Ethnology, Cultural Anthropology. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Skenbar jämställdhet: politiskt deltagande i Sverige2008In: Statsvetare ifrågasätter: uppsalamiljön vid tiden för professorsskiftet den 31 mars 2008, Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis , 2008Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 5.
    Adman, Per
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Strömblad, Per
    Utanför demokratin: D. 3, Resurser för politisk integration2000Report (Other academic)
  • 6.
    Aggestam, Karin
    et al.
    Lund University.
    Svensson, Isak
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Where Are the Women in Peace Mediation?2018In: Gendering Diplomacy and International Negotiation / [ed] Karin Aggestam & Ann E. Towns, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, p. 149-168Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 7.
    Ahlbäck, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Ahleniusaffären avslöjade regeringens kluvna tunga1999In: Moderna tider, no 109Article in journal (Other (popular scientific, debate etc.))
  • 8.
    Ahlbäck, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Att kontrollera staten: Den statliga revisionens roll i den parlamentariska demokratin : [the role of the state audit in a parliamentary democracy]1999Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The theoretical point of departure in this dissertation is that even though a main thread in classical and modem democratic theory deals with the idea of accountable government, this discussion suffers from two inadequacies. Firstly, in addition to the requisites of accessible knowledge about who is responsible, and the presence of institutional mechanisms for holding someone accountable (e.g. elections), the need for independent information about how government actions are carried out has not been systematically addressed by democratic theorists. Secondly, in the discussion about accountability the relation between citizens and elected officials is one-sidedly put into focus, while the implications for public administration are neglected.

    In this perspective the work of the political institutions assigned to monitor government - e.g. the state performance audit - becomes essential in securing a crucial link in search of public accountability. The credibility of the their assignment depends, however, on their ability of conducting independent audits. The empirical investigation focuses on whether the Parliamentary Auditors and the National Audit Office (NAO) in Sweden carry out their performance audits without undue involvement from the political sphere and the audited entity. Four performance audits are closely scrutinized by means of interviews and the study of official and unofficial documents and records. According to the analytical model independence implies that the auditing institution should not be obliged to carry out, modify or refrain from carrying out, an audit or suppress or modify audit findings, conclusions and recommendations.

    Contrary to common belief, the results reveal that the politically appointed Parliamentary Auditors are carrying out their audits independently, while the NAO is operating with a far-reaching and integrity damaging sensitivity towards the Ministries, and, in one of the cases, the audited entity. The flip-side of the Parliamentary Auditors' independence is, however, the systematic lack of interest shown by Parliament in taking in the results of the audit reports.

  • 9.
    Ahlbäck, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Revisionen skall vara oberoende2000In: Sydsvenska Dagbladet 2000-11-23Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 10.
    Ahlbäck, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Riksdagen: Politikermakt eller tjänstemannavälde?1994In: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 97, no 2, p. 113-139Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 11.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Framväxten av granskningssamhället: En fråga i författningspolitisk skugga2010In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, no 5, p. 501-514Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 12.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Förvaltning och revision2008In: Svensk författningspolitik / [ed] Ingvar Mattson & Olof Petersson, Stockholm: SNS förlag, 2008, 2, p. 153-168Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 13.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Förvaltningen2015In: Svensk författningspolitik / [ed] Ingvar Mattson & Olof Petersson, Stockholm: SNS förlag, 2015, 4, p. 164-181Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 14.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Högskolepolitiken saknar stöd i forskningen2016In: Tidskriften Respons, ISSN 2001-2292, no 4Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Trots kritik från forskning och ett ökat politiskt motstånd fortsätter management-idéer att fortplanta sig inom högskolepolitiken. I Responsgranskning av denna akademiska företagskultur skriver statsvetaren Shirin Ahlbäck Öberg om hur svenska högskoleledningar vill ha mer centralstyrning enligt praxis från näringslivet.

  • 15.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kollegialitet och linjestyre: oförenliga roller eller nödvändig dualism?2014In: Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten vid Uppsala universitet 50 år, 1964–2014 / [ed] Mattias Bolkéus Blom och Lars Magnusson, Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2014, p. 123-134Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 16.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    På väg mot publikdemokrati2009In: Framtider, ISSN 0281-0492, no 2, p. 4-8Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 17.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Rewards for High Public Office in Sweden2012In: Rewards for High Public Office in Europe and North America / [ed] Marleen Brans & B. Guy Peters, New York: Routledge, 2012, p. 174-189Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 18.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Section 2: Constitutional Design: Introduction2015In: The Oxford Handbook of Swedish Politics / [ed] Jon Pierre, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Considering the number of fundamental laws as well as, for example, the length of the Instrument of Government (Regeringsformen) (194 articles), the impression might be that constitutional principles are of great importance in Swedish political life. However, references to such principles are very uncommon in legal rulings or in the public debate. The Swedish political culture is best described as pragmatic and consensual, where the government’s ability to take action—for example, securing various welfare state policies—has been given deliberate precedence over constitutional ideas that focus on limiting government under higher law. The fact that a section on constitutional design in a handbook on Swedish politics is preceded by a section on the politics of the welfare state is a perfect reflection of this reality.

     

    From a constitutional design perspective, Sweden is an interesting case. During the previous IG of 1809, which was based on the principle of separation of powers, comprehensive changes in the practice of government were made without any corresponding amendments of the IG itself. The most noteworthy of these changes were the introduction of universal suffrage for men and women, parliamentarism, and the abolition of the Parliament of the Four Estates, which was replaced by a bicameral system. All these fundamental changes were made in slightly more than 100 years, without any corresponding amendments or changes to the 1809 IG (which was the second oldest constitution in the world). This certainly raises questions on the elasticity of the constitution, that is, the significance of constitutional rules for political practice in the Swedish setting. The foregoing changes were in effect by 1921, but the IG was not completely rewritten to reflect the true form of government until 1974—a fact that has led constitutional experts to talk about the period of 1921–1974 as “the constitution-less half-century” (Sterzel 2009: 18f). Despite this radical and needed revision of the IG in the 1970s, the contributions in this section will reveal that a weak constitutional culture still prevails in Sweden. For example, when Sweden joined the European Union in 1995, the constitutional adjustments were kept as small and as technical as possible.

  • 19.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Bringselius, Louise
    Företagsekonomiska institutionen, Lunds universitet.
    The New NAO in Sweden: The Deprofessionalization of the Performance Auditor2010In: Workshop: Dysfunktioner i statsapparaten / [ed] Bo Rothstein, 2010Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 20.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Svensk elitstyrning skapar maktlöshet2002In: DN debatt 2002-11-25Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 21.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörns högskola.
    The Influence of National Parliaments over Domestic European Union Policies2009In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 32, no 4, p. 359-381Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article we present survey results on the Swedish and Finnish parliamentarians' perceived influence over domestic decision-making in EU-matters. In the literature the parliaments in Sweden and Finland are classified as powerful parliaments that can exert considerable influence in the domestic EU policy-making. Moreover, Finland and Sweden joined the EU at the same time. Therefore the overall expectation is that the parliaments should be equally powerful. However, the results from our survey indicate a significant difference in perceived influence between the two parliaments. It is obvious that the Swedish parliamentarians perceive themselves as more marginalized in relation to the Government than the Finnish parliamentarians. After having tried different explanations we conclude that the differences can be ascribed to the parliaments' different organisational set-ups for the oversight of the Government.

  • 22.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Sundberg, Elin
    Vad har hänt med det kollegiala styret?2017In: Det ostyrda universitetet?: Perspektiv på styrning, autonomi och reform av svenska lärosäten / [ed] Linda Wedlin & Josef Pallas, Stockholm: Makadam Förlag, 2017, 1, p. 91-119Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 23.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Widmalm, Sten
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Att göra rätt - även när ingen ser på2016In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 118, no 1, p. 7-17Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 24.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Wockelberg, Helena
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Government Steering over Two Decades: A Large-N comparison2016In: RC27 Structure and Organization of Government: Panel:  RC27.05 Out of Control or over Controlled? Incentives, Audits and New Public Management, 2016Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The post-NPM debate on government control of state authorities is un-decisive in both problem description and in terms of suggested remedies. ‘Wicked problems’ are said to call for re-integration of state executives, and for enhanced government control in order to increase coordination between public organizations. At the same time, excessive (performance) control is accused of posing a threat to professionalism in the public sector and to its problem solving capacity. In this paper we build upon Verhoest et al’s (2004) suggestion that we need to treat autonomy as a multi-dimensional phenomenon and argue the importance of adopting a nuanced analytical perspective on issues of too much or too little control. Using a unique data set containing information on nearly 20 years of governmental steering as this is expressed in yearly appropriation direction documents (N=1330) issued by the Swedish government, we a) map out how the government’s demand for performance information has developed over time, and b) as we treat performance information demands as one out of many policy instruments in a government’s toolbox we also look for specific and stable combinations of different policy instruments (represented by autonomy dimensions). Our findings show that the number of performance information indicators requested from governments in appropriation direction-documents have on a general level decreased over time. From our bivariate and multivariate analyses we have shown that any government’s inclination to e.g. demand less performance information from its state agencies in general comes with a less autonomous management model for the state agency.

  • 25.
    Aitomäki, Astrid
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Is help really helping?: A case study on the Gender-Equality in Afghanistan during the years of increased Humanitarian Aid2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The need to save the women of Afghanistan has for years been the focus of multiple

    international organisations, and through humanitarian aid the world has attempted to achieve

    this goal. This paper aims to gain an understanding of what it actually has been like to live, as

    a woman, in Afghanistan during the years of increased humanitarian aid, after the fall of the

    Taliban regime in 2001. To achieve this, the paper is based on the feminist institutionalist

    theory combined with previous research. This paper will focus on gaining an understanding

    of the informal institutions surrounding gender, and also look at empirical data to assess the

    practical implementation of gender-equality on the ground. To understand if or how the

    gender-equality has changed in Afghanistan this paper uses both quantitative and qualitative

    data. The conclusion will show that, even though there is a difficulty in obtaining data from

    Afghanistan, there has been a positive development for gender-equality on the ground and

    that there, however, has been little to no change towards gender-equality within gender norms

    and informal rules.

  • 26.
    Akarcay, Pinar
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Ak, Gökhan
    Nişantaşı University, İstanbul, Turkey.
    Rethinking Cyber Warfare: Timeless, Normless and Unconstrained2018In: IKSAD Journal, ISSN 2630-6166, Vol. 4, no 9, p. 195-214Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Improvements in cybernetics have made likely far reaching shifts in all areas of life. Thus, the scientific-technological developments after 1950s gave rise to “the information revolution” from which national security has quite been affected as well. The rapid growth in the fields of computing created a new realm of fantasy called cyberspace. As a phenomenon, cyberspace has the potential for enormous avails and advantages as well as unpredictable risks. There are three major dimensions all associated with cyberspace: technologies, policies and disputes. In order to analyze the real damage that a hypothetical cyber-war or individual act of cyber warfare could do to the citizens of any nation coming under attack, it is fundamental to begin with some reflections which will help us reach a full understanding of the phenomenon, and its related practical implications as well as impacts. Since cyberspace comprises many complicating matters, it is a further difficulty of developing new combative techniques, tools and norms in an area that is inherently secretive. Cyber-attackers do not announce who they are and the victims may not want to admit having been vulnerable. By this view, this research will specifically examine timeless, normless and unconstrained cyber warfare by rethinking its history, content, associated emerging policies and focus on the question of national security in light of the cyberspace phenomenon.

  • 27.
    Akarcay, Pinar
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Ak, Gökhan
    Nisantasi Üniversitesi, Turkey.
    Ulusal Güvenlik Bağlamında Kıbrıs: Jeostratejik/Jeoekonomik Önem ve Gelişmeler2018In: Çeşm-i Cihan, ISSN 2149-5866, Vol. 5, no 1, p. 140-157Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [tr]

    Türkiye, Avrasya’nın tam ortasında birçok küresel etkili bölgesel sorunun içinde yaşayan bir ülkedir.  Avrasya’nın Doğu Akdeniz’inde yer alan Kıbrıs da Türkiye için bu anlamda gerek jeostratejik, gerekse jeoekonomik olarak vazgeçilemez bir coğrafi aktördür. Zira Doğu Akdeniz’in tabanının altında, özellikle de Kıbrıs’ın güneyinde mali değeri oldukça yüksek hidrokarbon zenginlikleri bulunduğu iddia edilmektedir. Güney Kıbrıs Rum Yönetimi (GKRY) de, adada GKRY tarafından temsil edilmeyen Kıbrıs Türk halkı ve onun devleti olan Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti (KKTC)’nin mevcudiyetinin hilafına, bu muhtemel zenginliklerden tek başına yararlanmaya çalışmaktadır. Ada çevresindeki zengin deniz-dibi kaynakları ile ortaya çıkan yeni menfaat yumağının, Kıbrıs uyuşmazlığının denize de yayılmasına sebebiyet verdiği aşikârdır. Bu bağlamda çalışmada, ulusal güvenlik bağlamında Kıbrıs Adası’nın önemi, Türkiye’nin Doğu Akdeniz’de deniz güvenliğine katkıları ve Doğu Akdeniz’deki son gelişmelerin Kıbrıs Sorunu’nun çözümüne muhtemel etkileri üzerine bir inceleme ve analiz yapılmıştır.

  • 28.
    Aksal, Nure
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Etnisk mångfald och social tillit – kan vi ha båda samtidigt?2018Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Mainly due to the recent years of large inflow of immigrants to Europe, and not least Sweden, the debate of ethnic diversity has become more intense, and thus so has the debate of social cohesion and social capital. Social trust is part of our social capital, and has also been of interest for several researchers over the years. The development of the literature on trust first had focus on the economic and democratic benefits of trust, but has now taken a turn towards focusing more on the negative effects of ethnic diversity in societies. My research show that ethnic diversity in Uppsala does not directly affect the levels social trust in Uppsala. There are other factors, both in the society at large and personal factors that explain the relation between having another ethnic background than Swedish and trust.

  • 29.
    Albers, Jorick
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Department of Theology.
    European identity through ‘thick’ and ‘thin’: Normative theory and the challenge of diversity2014Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 30.
    Algotsson, Karl-Göran
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    Från katekestvång till religionsfrihet: debatten om religionsundervisningen i skolan under 1900-talet1975Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 31.
    Algotsson, Karl-Göran
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Grundläggande rättigheter eller handelshinder?: Den svenska debatten om EU, föreningsfriheten och rätten till fackliga stridsåtgärder2008Book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 32.
    Allar, Piirsoo
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Hur ska vi få äpplet att falla långt ifrån trädet?: En ecperimentell studie av hur elever väljer gymnasieprogram2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Social snedrekytering är ett stort samhällsproblem, och en av orsakerna till klassbildningen i samhället idag. För två decennier har universitet och högskolor i Sverige aktivt arbetat med att bredda rekryteringen av elever från icke-akademisk bakgrund, men detta utan framgång. Denna studie försöker ta ett första steg i att hitta effektiva metoder som univeristeten kan använda sig av. Det teoretiska ramverket utgörs av nudging-teorin som går ut på att "knuffa" elever mot rätt riktingt genom att exponera dem för högskolealternativet, något som elever med akadeiska bakgrund får naturligt hemifrån. Det är en experimentell studie där eleverna har delats in två gruppern där den ena gruppen för behandling, och den andra gruppen används som kontrollgrupp. Studien utgår från hypotesen att en ökad närvaro av universitetet i utsatta områden kommer påverka målgruppen positivt. Resultaten ger stöd åt denna hypotes. Trots att den misslyckade randomiseringen gjorde det svårt för hypotesen förblev sambandet positivt. Alltså elever som hade fått behandlingen var mer benägna att ange högskoleförberedande program som sitt först val på gymnasiet än kontrollgruppen. 

  • 33.
    Almén, Oscar
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Euroasian Studies.
    Difang renda, liyi jituan yu fazhi de fazhan (Local people's congresses. interests groups and the development of rule of law)2008In: Zhongguo minzhu de zhidu jiegou (Systemand structure of China's democracy), Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe , 2008, p. 22-33Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [en]

    In this article I discuss how China’s local legislatures, the local people’s congresses, can facilitate the development of rule of law in China. Rule by law and rule of law are perceived here as being a difference in degree, where rule of law increases as more organized groups in society can use the law to pursue their interest. The difference between China’s legislatures and legislatures in liberal democracies can be found not so much in the power functions and voting behavior of the legislators, as in the extent to which legislators are collectively organized and represent organized interest. While legislative reform can improve governance and the efficiency of the legislative system, it is when the legislature is used an instrument for different interests in society that it becomes a strengthener of the rule of law.

  • 34.
    Almén, Oscar
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Local participatory innovations and experts as political entrepreneurs:: The case of China’s democracy consultants2016In: Democratization, ISSN 1351-0347, E-ISSN 1743-890X, Vol. 23, no 3, p. 478-497Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This study is concerned with understanding the dynamic behind participatory innovations in China. The case of China provides a contrast to the literature on participatory innovations in democracies. While participatory innovations in democratic countries are seen as a way to deepen and improve democracy, in China these innovations are to some extent developed in order to provide an alternative to electoral democracy. In this article I introduce the concept democracy consultant to describe expert political entrepreneurs involved in the development of participatory innovations. Research on local participatory innovation in China is abundant but the role that experts play in this process has previously not been analysed. Based on in-depth interviews with democracy consultants and local officials, the study finds that democracy consultants frequently act as bridges between central and local levels of government by providing expertise, information, legitimacy, and connections. This is especially true in localities where local leaders want to gain the attention of the central level but lack the required expertise and connections.

  • 35.
    Almén, Oscar
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Participatory Innovations Under Authoritarianism: Accountability and Responsiveness in Hangzhou’s Social Assessment of Government Performance2018In: Journal of Contemporary China, ISSN 1067-0564, E-ISSN 1469-9400, Vol. 27, no 110, p. 165-179Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the role of participatory governance innovations in China. The purpose is twofold. First, it seeks to explore the logic and dynamics behind participatory innovations in China. Second, it examines in what way a participatory innovation in Hangzhou can lead to increased accountability and responsiveness of the local government. Participatory innovations in China are used as a way to improve the Party-state’s governing capability and thereby strengthen the legitimacy and power of the Communist Party. Despite some limitations related to the evaluation of politically powerful Party and government departments, social assessment of government performance in Hangzhou serves as an input channel from society that put pressure on many government departments. The study finds that by allowing limited and controlled political participation, transparency and accountability to develop, the reform in Hangzhou improves the responsiveness of the political system.

  • 36.
    Almén, Oscar
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Burell, Mattias
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The role of social protest in environmental governance in Hangzhou’2019In: Greening China’s Urban Governance: Tackling Environmental and Sustainability Challenges / [ed] Jorgen Delman, Ren Yuan, Outi Luova, Mattias Burell, Oscar Almén, Singapore: Springer, 2019, 1, p. 195-215Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter examines the consequences of social protests for environmental governance in China. Environmental protection is a policy area where the party state has allowed civil society to play an increasingly important role. Chinese citizens can take part in state-sanctioned forms of political participation, but one of the most important ways they can influence policy is by protesting. If we are to understand environmental governance in China, we must study the impact of such protests. Students of social movements in China have made great efforts to understand what explains protest success in that country. The authors contend that, in order to understand environmental governance, we must look at all the different outcomes of a social protest. In most cases a protest elicits at least some concessions from the authorities, even when the protesters themselves perceive it as a failure. This study examines urban environmental governance by looking at the varying outcomes of three different waves of environmental protest in Hangzhou. Protests may lead to the development of new institutional tools such as dialogue platforms, or involve external actors like courts or NGOs. Through these mechanisms, citizen protests form a new and important element in China’s fragmented governance system.

  • 37.
    Almén, Oscar
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Delman, JorgenYuan, RenLuova, OutiBurell, Mattias
    Greening China’s Urban Governance: Tackling Environmental and Sustainability Challenges2019Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This volume examines how urban stakeholders in China – particularly city governments and social actors – tackle China’s urban environmental crisis. The volume’s case studies speak to important interdisciplinary themes such as new tools and instruments of urban green governance, climate change and urban carbon consumption, green justice, digital governance, public participation, social media, social movements, and popular protest. It lays out a unique theoretical framework for examining and discussing urban green governance. The case studies are based on extensive fieldwork that examines governance failures, challenges, and innovations from across China, including the largest cities. They show that numerous policies, experiments, and reforms have been put in place in China – mostly on a pragmatic basis, but also as a result of both strategic policy design, civil participation, and protest. The book highlights how China’s urban governments bring together diverse programmatic building blocks and instruments, from China and elsewhere. Written by experts and researchers from different disciplines at leading universities in China and the Nordic countries in Europe, this volume will be of interest to researchers and students who are interested in Chinese politics, especially urban politics, governance issues, and social movements. Both students and teachers will find the theoretical perspectives and case studies useful in their coursework.The unique green governance perspective makes this a work that is empirically and theoretically interesting for those working with urban political and environmental studies and urbanization worldwide.

  • 38.
    Alphonse, Melanie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Det fredsbyggande arbetet i Demokratiska Republiken Kongo2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    An analyse of the local actors involvement of the international peacebuilding in the Republic of the Congo. How international actors as the United Nations cooperate with local peacebuilders.

  • 39.
    Amnå, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    Planhushållning i den offentliga sektorn?: budgetdialogen mellan regering och förvaltning under efterkrigstiden1981Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 40.
    Amnå, Erik
    et al.
    Youth & Society.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    A Political Science Perspective on Socialization Research: Young Nordic Citizens in a Comparative Light2010In: Handbook of Research on Civic Engagement in Youth / [ed] Lonnie R. Sherrod, Judith Torney-Purta, Constance A. Flanagan, Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley & Sons, 2010, p. 43-65Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 41.
    Andersson, Jan
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Yttrandefrihetens dilemman: Debatten om hetspropaganda, mediekoncentration samt personlig integritet mellan 1940- och 2000-tal2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis focuses on different types of value conflicts that have been actualized by proposals of legislation on freedom of speech. The thesis analyses three different debates which each relate to a different type of value conflict. An important objective of the study is to discern what fundamental values underlie the concern for upholding freedom of speech in a democratic society. Those fundamental values have been formulated as three type-arguments: the argument from democracy, the argument from truth, and the argument from autonomy respectively.

    The first type of free speech dilemma is represented by the debate around a legal clause on the prohibition of racist hate speech. The second type of free speech dilemma is illustrated by the debate on the concentration of the Swedish media. The third type of dilemma concerns the conflict between the law against the spreading of information regarding the individual on the Internet, and the constitutional right of information.

    The findings of the thesis includes that the argument from democracy has been the most prominently invoked in the debates. However, most often the argument from democracy is used in a rather unprecise manner, and there occurs a quite frequent conflation of the concept of democracy with several other values considered important, e.g. the right not to be discriminated against. The prospects of finding a “unified” free speech theory in which all the type-arguments for free speech can be brought together does not seem good. The arguments for free speech are interdependent and can be ultimately assessed only in the context of a broader theory of the democratic system. Here it is argued that the theory of “deliberative democracy” in comparison with rival conceptions of democracy offers some valuable tools for a better interpretation of the conception of the right to free speech in a democratic system.

  • 42.
    Andersson, Jan Joel
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. European Union Inst Secur Studies, Paris, France.;Old Dominion Univ, Grad Program Int Studies, Norfolk, VA USA.;Univ Stockholm, S-10691 Stockholm, Sweden.;Swedish Natl Def Coll, Stockholm, Sweden..
    The Race To The Bottom: Submarine Proliferation and International Security2015In: NAVAL WAR COLLEGE REVIEW, ISSN 0028-1484, Vol. 68, no 1, p. 13-29Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 43.
    Andersson, Ragnar
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Philosophy.
    Svenska dagbladet och det politiska livet 1897-19181952Book (Other academic)
  • 44.
    Andrén, Georg
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    Den unge Churchill1972Book (Other academic)
  • 45.
    Andrén, Nils
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Philosophy.
    Den klassiska parlamentarismens genombrott i England1947Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 46.
    Ansell, Christopher
    et al.
    University of California, Berkeley.
    Lundin, Martin
    Uppsala University, Units outside the University, Office of Labour Market Policy Evaluation.
    Öberg, PerOla
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    How Learning Aggregates: A Social Network Analysis of Learning between Swedish municipalities2017In: Local Government Studies, ISSN 0300-3930, E-ISSN 1743-9388, Vol. 43, no 7, p. 903-926Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Using a unique data set of learning among all 290 Swedish municipalities, we use social network analysis to analyze how learning networks aggregate nationally. To facilitate this analysis, we describe five ideal-typical patterns of aggregation—core-periphery, small world, top-down regionalism, bottom-up regionalism, and urban hierarchy. Each of these ideal types has important implications for how ideas, information, and innovation will circulate among municipalities. Social network analysis allows us to both isolate these patterns and to appreciate composite patterns. The analysis indicates that Swedish municipalities are a small world network with clear regional and hierarchical elements. County seats serve an important role as network hubs.

  • 47.
    Arnfred, Signe
    et al.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Cheru, Fantu
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Hammar, Amanda
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Havnevik, Kjell
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Kamete, Amin Y.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Lourenco-Lindell, Ilda
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Myhre, Knut Christian
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Ngangjoh Hodu, Yenkong
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Obi, Cyril I.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Oinas, Elina
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Palmberg, Mai
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Thorsen, Dorte
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Utas, Mats
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    Re-thinking Africa: A Contribution to the Swedish Government White Paper on Africa2007Report (Other academic)
  • 48.
    Asai, Ryoko
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Science and Technology, Mathematics and Computer Science, Department of Information Technology, Division of Visual Information and Interaction. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Science and Technology, Mathematics and Computer Science, Department of Information Technology, Computerized Image Analysis and Human-Computer Interaction.
    New form of social ties through communicating in social media (Sosharu media ga tukuru atarashii kizuna no katachi)2012In: Information and Management  64th Conferenceedings Spring / [ed] Japan Society for Information and Management, 2012, p. 141-144Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 49.
    Asai, Ryoko
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Science and Technology, Mathematics and Computer Science, Department of Information Technology, Division of Visual Information and Interaction. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Science and Technology, Mathematics and Computer Science, Department of Information Technology, Computerized Image Analysis and Human-Computer Interaction.
    Kavathatzopoulos, Iordanis
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Science and Technology, Mathematics and Computer Science, Department of Information Technology, Division of Visual Information and Interaction. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Science and Technology, Mathematics and Computer Science, Department of Information Technology, Computerized Image Analysis and Human-Computer Interaction.
    Regulation of potentially harmful contents on minors2012In: Equity, integrity and beauty in information law and ethics / [ed] Maria Botti, Kerkyra, Greece: Ionian Academy , 2012Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In democratic societies, freedom of expression is the indispensable right and duty of citizens. Although there are a few exceptions, it is generally considered that governments should not intervene and regulate this right. Both in digital and analog environments, sexual and violent descriptions are usually regulated by self-censorship of participants. However, trying to protect minors from potentially harmful contents by controlling and regulating them is very difficult. The definition of what is “potentially harmful contents on minors” varies depending on the values and on the culture of each social group. Moreover, along with the rapid spread of mobile phones and smartphones, it becomes more difficult for parents and teachers to control children’s access to harmful contents; something that might have been easier regarding the use of personal computers. Access to the Internet provides huge opportunities not only of visiting websites but also of participating in online communication such as Social Networking Service (SNS). An incredible surge of SNS evokes some issues in considering juvenile access to SNS, categorized roughly into three types. One is the very old and new problem in accessing the Internet, which is how to shield minors from harmful contents. Second is how to block inappropriate contact with a pedophile. Third is cyber bullying. SNS is a very new medium and its market and technology are evolving drastically and are constantly changing. Thus the agent of taking the lead in making and enforcing rules or self-regulation is still absent. Additionally, SNS services utilize the function of social graph actively, and third parties can provide contents and applications using open API. In response to these situations, European Commission implemented Safer Social Networking Principle for the EU, and United States released the guideline for SNS users and worked on SNS companies and users to promote voluntary efforts for using SNS properly. In Japan, mobile contents companies built the Content Evaluation and Monitoring Association (EMA) as a voluntary reviewing entity. However those measures don’t include any severe legal penalty. Those remain self-regulation relying on voluntary activities of private sectors. On the other hand, self-regulation itself is regulated by laws, social norms, market conditions and technological architectures. In this paper we discuss the conditions of regulation and self-regulation, and we explore some ideas about what would be the best way to regulate SNS.

  • 50.
    Assarson, Jan
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Hadenius, Axel
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    19. The historical breakthrough of democracy2002In: The Baltic Sea Region: Cultures, Politics, Societies / [ed] Witold Maciejewski, Uppsala: Baltic University Press , 2002, 1, p. 285-289Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
1234567 1 - 50 of 1615
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