Constitutional Reform and the Reorganization of the National Audit Office
The Committee on Constitutional Reform was appointed by the government to conduct a review of the Swedish Constitution. This article focuses on the Constitution’s chapter on Parliamentary Control, i.e. instruments for monitoring government activities. The Committee’s discussion of this topic was limited and produced no real suggestions for reform. However, the parliament initiated a parallel reform aimed at the reorganization of the Swedish National Audit Office. The issue was investigated and decided upon, and the consequences of the reform were subsequently evaluated. The article points out that this way of organizing constitutional change is a typical of Swedish constitutional policy. Moreover, the changes have had greater constitutional implications for Parliamentary Control than has the work of the Committee on Constitutional Reform.
The Decollegialization of Higher Education Institutions – an Examination of Public Sector Higher Education Institutions in Sweden
This article surveys current management ideals of higher education institutions (HEIs), and our analytical focus is on the balance between line management and fac-ulty self-governance. We present an empirical study of evolving governance struc-tures including all 31 public sector HEIs in Sweden. The point of departure is the Autonomy Reform of 2011, which resulted in a deregulation of the Higher Education Act and a loss of constitutional support for collegial bodies. To assess the conse-quences of the reform, we have examined collegial bodies and academic leadership posts before and after the reform. Our findings show escalating line management in the appointment of academic leaders, a diluted role for collegial expertise, and a loss of decision-making authority for collegial bodies. Hence, the decollegialization of HEIs in Sweden. Our study contributes to the existing literature with an unusually comprehensive analysis of the consequences of new managerial ideals at the local institutional level.
The purpose of this article is to analyse the effects of New Public Management (NPM) reforms on three specific professional groups. From this investigation it is clear that the assumptions inherent in the NPM reforms have resulted in a clear breach of what we theoretically refer to as the professional contract between the state and the professions. We show in this analysis that our studied professional groups have lost central aspects of their professional autonomy. We problematize the perception that an ever-increasing demand for steering and control of professionals within the public sector should be perceived as something exclusively good. In addition to the costs of monitoring, the centrally important paradox of accountability should be taken into consideration, i.e. responsible interpretation and application of external accountability demands rest on the cultivation of the virtues that support good administrative judgement, the type of judgement that is threatened by the control-schemes presented in this article.
Våren 2021 tog riksdagen ställning till den elfte forskningspolitiska propositionen i ordningen, Forskning, frihet, framtid – kunskap och innovation för Sverige (prop. 2020/21:60). Bara genom att studera forskningspropositionernas rubriker kan man enkelt avläsa vilka primära mål sittande regering har med sin forskningspolitik. Förra gången det begav sig stod samverkan högst på agendan. På propositionens 167 sidor nämndes ”samverkan” hela 224 gånger, medan en konkurrent som ”frihet” i stort lyste med sin frånvaro och enbart nämndes sex gånger (prop. 2016/17:50). I den nu aktuella forskningspropositionen har emellertid ”frihet” getts en mer framträdande roll än någonsin tidigare – vilket även framgår av rubriken – och omnämns hela 141 gånger (”samverkan” är dock mer än dubbelt så vanligt) (prop. 2020/21:60). Skälet till att frihetsfrågan fått en så framträdande roll denna gång är förstås de förslag om att föra in akademisk frihet i högskolelagen som Styr- och resursutredningen presenterat i sitt betänkande (”Struten”, se SOU 2019:6). Men hur ska vi förstå denna politiska strävan efter att stärka den akademiska friheten? I detta specialnummer tar vi ett bredare grepp om hur högskolepolitiken utvecklats över tid, och frågar oss vad som utmärker denna frihet. Vem är det som ska ges frihet? Hur ser balansen mellan formell och reell frihet ut? Vad utmärker dem som skänks frihet – oftast lärosätena – och hur skiljer de sig åt?
Året innan riksdagsvalet 2014 publicerade oppositionsledaren Stefan Löfven debattartikeln ”Välfärdens yrken måste få sin frihet och status åter” (DN debatt 2013-11-15). Inlägget avslutades med: ”Med en socialdemokratisk regering kommer välfärden få större resurser, ett nytt regelverk som sätter människa framför vinst och en ny styrning som utgår från de välfärdsprofessionellas kompetens och yrkesetik.”2 Det är ovanligt för politikens främsta företrädare att så tydligt göra partipolitik av det som vi statsvetare benämner förvaltnings- politik, dvs. idéer och åtgärder riktade mot förvaltningens organisation och arbetssätt (Petersson & Söderlind 1993: 8). Men nu har det alltså skett. Redan en månad efter att socialdemokraterna och miljöpartiet bildat koalitionsregering efter valet 2014 utfärdades ett pressmeddelande från Finansdepartmentet med budskapet ”Ny styrning bortom New Public Management” (23 oktober 2014). Innebörden var sammanfattningsvis att åter ge välfärdens professioner möjlig- het att använda sitt professionella omdöme i sitt arbete, och att utveckla nya styrmodeller för den offentligt finansierade verksamheten (jfr prop. 2014/15:1: 53). Så ser den dagsaktuella förvaltningspolitiska diskussionen ut, och frågan är vad som döljer sig bakom dessa formuleringar. Vad är det i idéerna från New Public Management (NPM) som man vill komma bort ifrån? Kort sagt, vad är det som skapar politisk mobilisering i denna fråga?
The purpose of the project is to describe and explain the introduction and the consequences of the current management model of the public sector (management by results) from a democratic theory perspective. Firstly, our aim is to disclose the norms and values that the present model is bearer of. A first step will be to unfold what kind of values that are rewarded in the present model, and thereby also calling the attention to what values that are neglected. A point of reference for this is Elster's "three-cornered dilemma" of constitutionalism, democracy, and efficiency. This analysis of conflicting values will be made on different administrative levels, since the implications are different depending on whether we focus on government steering or the conditions of the service deliverers on the local level. Secondly, we aim to answer the question on why the model was introduced in the first place, and if this process poses any democratic challenges. Our perspective is that the introduction of this model has had far reaching effects for the work of the executive branch, and thereby has had greater constitutional implications than is generally acknowledged. Yet, we also know from earlier research that the introduction of the model was not of great political interest, but is rather the product of a limited number of top civil servants. Simply put, how come that this one particular management model is adopted, and is allowed to dominate, although it has been so highly criticized?
Spelteori har ofta kommit att användas för att analysera typiserade och ytterst generella frågeställningar om statens uppkomst, miljöförstöring, förutsättningarna för krig och fred, etc. Orsaken är kanske att en stiliserad teori uppfattas som mest lämpad för stiliserade frågeställningar. Även spelteorins vanligaste empiriska tillämpningsområde, internationella konflikter, anses ju av många - med rätt eller orätt - kännetecknas av relativt väldefinierade aktörer och entydiga mål. Mera sällan tycks spelteori ha använts för att analysera inrikespolitiska frågor. Sannolikt har de förenklingar som krävs ofta uppfattats som alltför grova för att göra rättvisa åt komplexa processer med ett vimmel av aktörer, flerdimensionella mål och odeciderade handlingsalternativ. Ett undantag är forskningsprogrammet "Politik som rationellt handlande" vid statsvetenskapliga institutionen i Uppsala, där spelteori användes som en av flera metoder för att analysera politiskt beslutsfattande. Som utvecklas i det följande menar jag dock att man i dessa studier inte fullt ut utnyttjat spelteorins möjligheter. Denna uppsats har två syften. Det första är att bidra till utvecklingen av en spelteori för parlamentariska spel. Jag försöker göra det genom att visa på hur beslutsfattare, handlingar, ståndpunkter och argument i den parlamentariska processen kan översättas till spelteorins komponenter, dvs aktörer, handlingsalternativ, utfall och nyttovärden. Det andra syftet är att med hjälp av spelteori jämföra två parlamentariska beslut, nämligen beslutet om medbestämmandelagen 1976 och beslutet om löntagarfonderna 1983. Denna jämförelse kan samtidigt ses som ett test på hur väl jag lyckats uppfylla mitt första syfte. Hypotesen för jämförelsen är att förändringar i de politiska partiernas inställning till facket mellan de båda tidpunkterna lett till skillnader mellan de båda spelen. Denna hypotes prövas i tre steg. Först formulerar jag de båda beslutsprocesserna i sådana spelteoretiska termer att en jämförelse blir möjlig. Därefter genomför jag jämförelsen - och kan konstatera vissa intressanta skillnader. Slutligen diskuterar jag några alternativa orsaker till dessa skillnader. Det visar sig att ingen av dessa ger en bättre förklaring än hypotesen om förändrad inställning till facket.
Denna recension sönderfaller i tre delar. I en första del sammanfattar jag i resonerande form avhandlingens huvudinnehåll och slutsatser. Den andra delen innehåller ett antal kommentarer, frågor och invändningar. I den tredje, avslutande, sektionen sammanfattar jag de positiva och negativa intrycken.
This article deals with how President Barack Obama has related to American exceptionalism, and how he developed a distinct version of the concept. We begin by discussing the background and meanings of American exceptionalism, making a distinction between its academic and political use. Based on three of his major speeches, we then discuss Obama’s relationship to the concept, arguing that his initial skepticism to American exceptionalism, which was met by criticism, notably from American conservatives, was replaced by a greater acceptance, especially with regard to foreign policy. We also argue that even though Obama embraced exceptionalism he also changed and expanded it, especially with regard to American history.
This article sketches the historical development of collegial decision-making bodies at Swedish Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) within the broader political context, showing that the development of current decision-making structures at Swedish HEIs was part of a more general trend towards democratization within government agencies. Further, it traces various kinds of impact that the deregulation of the decision-making process has had on different parts of the university system, and argues that the reforms of the last decades have resulted in a growing differentiation in governance structures and forms in the supposedly unitary system of Swedish higher education. In this historical trajectory, the notion of collegiality is transformed from collective expert governance into procedures for consultation with employees by management.
The Relevance of Fascism: History as analogy and contrast
Politicians, intellectuals, journalists, and scholars in several different countries have used the concept of fascism to describe political developments during recent years. Right-wing populist parties and extremist movements have gained ground in national elections, while political leaders worldwide have challenged democratic norms and institutions. Is the concept and history of fascism useful as a tool for understanding this situation? Or does it obscure the novelty and specificity of what is going on? This article analyzes various answers to this question, gathered from proponents and critics of the utility of the concept of fascism for understanding contemporary politics in Sweden, the USA, France, Spain, and Germany, during the past ten years. In countries where fascism has played a central role in national history, a nostalgic embrace of the memory and history of fascism, although not its political program, has accompanied the ascent of right-wing populist and extremist parties. In other countries, such as Sweden and the USA, historians and intellectuals have dismissed using the concept of fascism as a label for the Sweden Democrats or Donald Trump as historically incorrect. Although such critique can indeed adduce a long list of differences between historical fascism and contemporary politics, it also contributes to making the history of fascism into a politically useful past in the present.
Handelshögskolan i Stockholm (ofta benämnd Handels kort och gott) är en på många sätt unik institution i det svenska högskolelandskapet. Den är den enda självständiga handelshögskolan i Sverige, tillsammans med Jönköping University och Chalmers Tekniska Högskola ett av tre icke-offentliga lärosäten i en i övrigt starkt offentligt dominerad högskolesektor och den i förhållande till sin storlek viktigast bland institutioner som förbereder för näringslivets ledande positioner. Sett till studentrekrytering är dess ekonomiutbildning en av de svåraste utbildningarna i landet att komma in på och den kan i många avseenden räknas som en elitutbildning.
One of the most basic conditions for Swedish universities is the funding they receive for conducting research and education. This is a dimension of the higher education system that is extremely underexplored. For the government, it is one of the most central instruments and funding is a crucial prerequisite for academic freedom. When the relations between the higher education institutions and the research funders are analyzed with correspondence analysis, four clear dimensions emerge, where the higher education institutions’ positions primarily can be understood in relation to their set of faculties. This implies firstly that there are very large diffe rences in the conditions and resources of higher education institutions, so great that the idea of higher education institutions as a unified category seems directly misleading. But it is also possible, secondly, to question the idea of the university as a clearly cohesive unit.
The organization and the financing of higher education under negotiation. Position-takings on the main report of the Swedish Commission of Inquiry on Governance and Resource
In recent decades, Swedish higher education and research have undergone significant changes and seen a rapid growth. In parallel, more attention has been given to higher education institutions as strategic actors and the function of the higher education insti-tutions is currently under renegotiation with an increased number of actors demand-ing a say in its development. The Commission of Inquiry on Governance and Resources was set up to address a broad range of issues in higher education and research. Its work resulted in the report A Long-term, Coordinated and Dialogue-based Governance of Higher Education (SOU 2019:6). The article presents an analysis of referral responses to the report by constructing two related spaces: a space of position-takings and a space of referral organisations. Our conclusion is that the referral organisations’ position-takings are clearly related to their overall positions in the higher education sector as well as their more specific positions in the field of research and the field of higher education. This is also clearly visible in the argumentation of specific actors for certain standpoints.
[Lines and voter turnout in the 2022 Swedish general election] Studies of whether long lines at polling stations may impact voter turnout are scarce, and hitherto none has analyzed a high-turnout proportional electoral system. We investigate whether problematic election-day lines at polling places during the 2022 Swedish general election contributed to the considerable decline in turnout. Our analyses combine data on polling stations’ closing times in the 20 largest municipalities with survey data on poll workers in three municipalities. The results suggest that precincts with line problems on election day saw lower turnout than comparable precincts. Interestingly, this effect appears to have been partly offset by some voters instead casting their ballots in an advance voting polling station on election day. Although the line problems were not widespread enough to explain more than a fraction of the overall decline in turnout, congestion risks are important to consider in future elections to avoid a higher and more unequal cost of voting.
Policyskapande sker i dynamiska processer där idéer och aktörer interagerar. I det forskningsfält som intresserar sig för hur policy skapas har flera viktiga bidrag gjorts, som uppmärksammar relationen mellan å ena sidan en frågas språkliga och idémässiga formulering och å andra sidan aktörernas handlande. Artikeln argumenterar för att en återstående utmaning är att analytiskt precisera angreppsätt som hjälper oss att fånga interaktioner i politiska processer; alltså hur aktörer både skapar och formulerar idéer men också påverkas av dem. Syftet med artikeln är att bidra till forskningen om hur politiska reformer skapas genom att utveckla ett ramverk för en dynamisk frameanalys. Frameanalysen har tidigare använts för att analysera innehåll och debatter i politiken men inte för att förstå politiska processer. En empirisk studie av svensk prostitutionspolicy kommer att användas för att visa på ramverkets fruktbarhet.
The Future of Local Government: Four Realistic Pathways. Two main arguments are presented in this article. First, when alternatives for the future of local government is debated, two questions need to be addressed simultaneously: (a) how many and how big municipalities ought we have?, and (b) how strong and well secured ought the principle of local self government be in the constitution?. Second, by using these questions as guides for the analysis, we argue that there are instrumental reasons to guarantee a strong local self government in the constitution. However, such a reform needs to be complemented by a politically neutral body of regulations that, under given conditions, secures geographically concentrated minorities a right to secede.
Generalized trust is favorable to a large number of positive effects; from personal well-being to economic growth and democracy. This article analyses the validity of the standard question “Do you believe in general that most people can be trusted or that one cannot be too careful when dealing with others? “ The article builds on unique quantitative and qualitative data collected by the author in seven schools in the municipality of Stockholm. The results show that a relatively large share of the students has a rational understanding of the question: their trust is domain-specific, depends on the situation and on the character of the person they meet, their trust is “street-smart”. Some systematic variation is also observed between different types of schools.
EU membership as a constitutional issue
This article deals with the allez and retour provisions (Claes 2005: 84 f) of the Swedish constitution in relation toEU membership. What are the rules governing the transfer of sovereignty to the Union? And what are theprovisions for assessing the constitutionality of the incoming tide of Union law into the domestic legal order?I have three objects in this essay: First, to describe how these two groups of constitutional rules were actuallymodified in the 2010 revision of the 1974 Instrument of Government. I find that neither was changed in anymaterial way. Second, to try to explain the apparent reluctance of the parties involved to clarify the constitutionalimplications of EU membership. I find that this reluctance is rooted in a belief that European integration is notfurthered if the rules contained in the allez and retour provisions are made stricter and more precise. Third, toconfront a question conspicuously omitted by the parties in their revision: namely, by what criterion should theallez and retour provisions be intertwined, if an optimum of bi-level constitutionalism is to be achieved?I argue that, in the end, the underlying issue is whether Swedish citizens want to see the principle of freemovement applied as widely as possible. Do they want this principle to be applied across the board? Or wouldthey prefer instead to restrict its application to the case of capital and goods, thus leaving them free to structurethe labour market and the welfare state as they themselves see fit?