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  • 1.
    Gardell, Mattias
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Department of Theology, History of Religions.
    Crusader Dreams: Oslo 22/7, Islamophobia, and the Quest for a Monocultural Europe2014In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 26, no 1, p. 129-155Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The synchronized terror attacks on July 22, 2011 was the worst politically motivated assault in post-WW2 Norway. To the perpetrator, Anders Behring Breivik, 22/7 was a marketing operation, designed to draw attention to his compendium, 2083: A European Declaration of Independence. While Breivik acted alone, his political philosophy is far from unique. Through a detailed analysis of the compendium's content, identifying the original authors whose texts Breivik used but did not always acknowledge, this essay discusses the political traditions that informed the assailant's worldview: Islamophobia (anti-Muslim racism), cultural conservative nationalism, antifeminism, and selected elements of White Power thought, far Right evangelical theology, and the Knights Templar tradition, all permeated by romantic male warrior ideals. The stunning violence of July 22 was a hyper-masculine performative act aimed at producing a heroic avant-garde of nationalist warriors who will rise to purge Europe from the corrupting influence of its internal enemies and defeat its external enemies. Through the cleansing fire of the civil war, he believes that a reborn Europe will arise to reclaim its ordained position of glory as the world's leading civilization. In the final analysis, Breivik's political philosophy may thus be recognized as a 21st-century articulation of the fascist legacy.

  • 2.
    Gardell, Mattias
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Department of Theology, History of Religions. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Centre for Multidisciplinary Studies on Racism.
    Urban Terror: The Case of Lone Wolf Peter Mangs2018In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 30, no 5, p. 793-811Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    White racist serial killer Peter Mangs is the most politically conscious lone wolf terrorist Sweden has seen thus far. Adopting the tactics of Joseph Paul Franklin to the city of Malmö, Mangs committed at least three murders and twelve murder attempts between 2003 and 2010. Well-versed in white power literature and leaderless resistance tactics, Mangs aimed at “igniting a race war” by shooting Black, Muslim, and Roma citizens to amplify racialized tensions, grievances, and anxieties in the increasingly segregated city. Yet, Mangs is not included in any database of single-actor terrorism, as these depend on how a perpetrator or incident is defined by the police, the courts, and the media. In this case, Mangs’ political motives were ignored by everyone, except by people in the targeted communities and the white racist milieu. This fact highlights the importance of ethnographic methods to terrorism studies. Based on ten three-hour interviews with Mangs, an analysis of his own political writings, previously not known to the public, interviews with Mangs’ victims, their friends and relatives, and extensive fieldwork in Malmö among activists across the political spectrum, including people who hailed Mangs’ deeds as heroic, this essay explores the impact of urban lone wolf terrorism.

  • 3.
    Hultman, Lisa
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Battle Losses and Rebel Violence: Raising the Costs for Fighting2007In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 19, no 2, p. 205-222Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In many armed conflicts, rebel groups deliberately target civilians. This article examines whether such violence is related to the performance of the rebels on the battlefield. It is proposed that rebel groups who are losing battles target civilians in order to impose extra costs on the government. When rebels attack civilians, the government may incur both political and military costs. Violence against civilians is thus used as an alternative conflict strategy aimed at pressuring the government into concessions. The argument is evaluated by using monthly data for rebel groups involved in armed conflict from January 2002 to December 2004.

  • 4.
    Höglund, Kristine
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Electoral Violence in Conflict-Ridden Societies: Concepts, Causes, and Consequences2009In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 21, no 3, p. 412-427Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    What are the causes of electoral violence? And how does electoral violence influence conflict resolution and democracy? This article argues for a conceptualization of electoral violence as a specific sub-category of political violence, determined mainly by its timing and target. The enabling conditions and triggering factors can be identified in three main areas: 1) the nature of politics in conflict societies, 2) the nature of competitive elections, and 3) the incentives created by the electoral institutions. These clusters of factors are important for understanding electoral violence both between different societies and across elections in a specific country.

  • 5. Kaplan, Jeffrey
    et al.
    Lööw, Heléne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Department of History.
    Malkki, Leena
    Introduction to the Special Issue on Lone Wolf and Autonomous Cell Terrorism2014In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 26, no 1, p. 1-12Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 6. Karakus, Dogukan Cansin
    et al.
    Svensson, Isak
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Between the Bombs: Exploring Partial Ceasefires in the Syrian Civil War, 2011–20172017In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Previous research on ceasefires in armed conflicts has primarily focused on the aggregated country-level of analysis. By contrast, this article contributes by examining the local-level dynamics of local ceasefire arrangements. In particular, this study examines a novel set of 106 local-level ceasefire arrangements in the Syrian Civil War, reached between the years 2011 to 2017. Most (72 percent), but not all, of the ceasefire arrangements were respected during the stipulated time period. We argue that informal and domestic peacemaking should outperform formal and external approaches in managing conflicts with multiple rebel groups, ongoing violence, and different fronts such as in Syria. We find that the presence of insider mediators (“insider-partial”) as well as confidence-building measures between the belligerents are positively associated with successful ceasefire arrangements, whereas explanations emphasized by previous research—external third-party mediation as well as various indicators of quality of agreement—fail to explain outcomes of ceasefires. Yet, we also find some evidence indicative of a selection effect in that external mediators are associated with more difficult conflict situations. The study of local ceasefires in the Syrian Civil War can stimulate further examinations of the micro-dynamics of peacemaking in civil wars, including the causes and consequences of local ceasefires.

  • 7.
    Karlén, Niklas
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Turning off the Taps: The Termination of State Sponsorship2019In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 31, no 4, p. 733-758Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Why do some states terminate their sponsorship of rebel movements while others are persistent in their provision of support? In the past, most research on external support to insurgents has focused on why states choose to sponsor rebel groups and particularly how this affects conflict duration. However, we know little about the termination of such support. This is surprising given that support has been shown to make armed conflicts more intractable and tremendous efforts are made in condemning and sanctioning such behavior. This study constitutes the first large-N analysis of support termination, employing survival analysis on global data of state support to rebel movements between 1975–2009. Surprisingly, the findings indicate that only some of the factors that explain support provision can offer insights into its termination. In particular, support is more likely to be terminated when no ethnic kinship bonds exist between the rebel movement and the government of the supporting state. Many decisions to withdraw support also seem to coincide with the transition from the Cold War. Threats and sanctions from other states appear largely ineffective. The study contributes to our understanding of the international dimensions of civil war and the role and motives of third parties.

  • 8.
    Lilja, Jannie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Trapping Constituents or Winning Hearts and Minds?: Rebel Strategies to Attain Constituent Support in Sri Lanka2009In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 21, no 2, p. 306-326Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Why do rebels choose violence over non-violent methods to attain the cooperation of their constituency in the war against the government? This article assesses the importance of rebels' dependency on constituent support through a case study of the LTTE in Sri Lanka. The empirical findings suggest that dependency largely results in non-violent measures. However, a multitude of passive coercion methods - broadly unaccounted for by existing theory - evolve over time in the form of territorial and social entrapments. This implies that rebels do not need the hearts and minds of their people to wage war at later stages of conflict. Time pressure, however, appears to result in violence.

  • 9.
    Randahl, David
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Terrorism and public opinion: The effects of terrorist attacks on the popularity of the president of the United States2018In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 30, no 3, p. 373-383Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article uses a large-ndataset to investigate the effect of terroristattacks with American victims on the popularity of the U.S. president.The study uses two broad theoretical frameworks to analyze thiseffect, the score-keeping framework and the rally-effect framework.Thefindings of the study show that, when excluding the effect fromthe September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, actual terrorist attacks haveno generalizable short-term impact on the popularity of the U.S.president. This indicates that even though the topics of nationalsecurity, terrorism, and the president’s ability to handle these issuesare important in the political debate in the United States, actualterrorism has little or no short-term impact on presidential approvalratings.

  • 10.
    Rudolfsen, Ida
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research. Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO).
    Food insecurity and domestic instability:: A review of the literature2018In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, p. 1-28Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Research on the relationship between food insecurity and unrest has a long history. The food price spikes in 2007–2008 and 2010–2011 coincided with demonstrations and incidents of large-scale violence, prompting renewed scholarly interest in the link between food insecurity and unrest. This paper reviews the literature, synthesises its main empirical findings and central explanations, and identifies four particular issues to consider to enhance our understanding of how food insecurity is related to unrest. First, there is a wide range of suggested theoretical mechanisms of how food insecurity is linked to unrest, but the empirical tests are akin. Second, there exist various notions of the independent variable, but there is a gap between the theoretical definition and measurement. Third, the focus is often on “food riots”, but whether rioting is the most likely response, and whether it is possible to separate between “food-related” unrest and other types of turmoil is unclear. Lastly, there is a challenge to address the endogenous nature of food insecurity and unrest. The paper adds to the literature by pointing to the theoretical mechanisms linking food insecurity to unrest, relating both to the type and degree of food insecurity, and how we understand and define unrest.

  • 11.
    Svensson, Isak
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Harding, Emily
    University of Otago.
    How Holy Wars End: Exploring the Termination Patterns of Conflicts with Religious Dimensions in Asia2011In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 23, no 2, p. 133-149Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Conventional wisdom suggests that armed conflicts with religious dimensions are inherently difficult to end. Religious appeals seem to make conflict issues indivisible. Yet, religious conflicts do end. In order to understand this puzzle, there is a need to examine the empirical records of the termination process of these types of armed conflicts. In this study, we argue that there is a potential for conflict resolution of religious conflicts without necessarily requiring concessions on the core beliefs and aspirations. We explore this proposition by examining the empirical pattern of Asian armed conflicts with explicit religious dimensions as stated incompatible positions and scrutinize how they are ended. Our empirical analysis reveals that none of the parties raising religious demands has made concessions on those demands. Yet, in about half of the cases, there are accommodations that do not imply concessions on the religious goals. Based on these findings, the study draws out the potential implications for the debate about the role of religion, armed conflicts, and peaceful resolution.

  • 12.
    Swanström, Niklas
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Björnehed, Emma
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Conflict Resolution of Terrorist Conflicts in Southeast Asia2004In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 16, no 2Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article addresses the issue of transnational terrorism in Southeast Asia. The objective of the article is to investigate the structure of the transnational element of terrorism to determine their impact on conflict resolution attempts in the region. The transnational terrorist organization Jemaah Islamyiah will be used as a single case for the analysis. From this analysis, obstacles toward conflict resolution originating from the structure of transnational terrorism are identified, and the article provides suggestions on how to circumvent these impediments.

  • 13.
    van Baalen, Sebastian
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Höglund, Kristine
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    “So, the Killings Continued”: Wartime Mobilization and Post-War Violence in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa2017In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Many post-war states experience continuous low-intensity violencefor years after the formal end of the conflict. Existing theories oftenfocus on country-level explanations of post-war violence, such as thepresence of spoilers or the nature of the peace agreement. Yet, postwarviolence does not affect all communities equally; whereas someremain entrenched in violence, others escape the perpetuation ofviolent conflict. We argue that communities where wartime mobilizationat the local level is based on the formation of alliances betweenarmed groups and local elites are more likely to experience post-warviolence, than communities where armed groups generate civiliansupport based on grassroots backing of the group’s political objectives.We explore this argument in a comparison of three communitiesin KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, which have experienceddifferent levels of post-war violence. The analysis supports the mainargument and contributes to the research on the microdynamics ofcivil war by outlining the implications of certain strategies of wartimemobilization and how these may generate localized legacies.

1 - 13 of 13
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