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  • 1.
    Dulic, Tomislav
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, The Hugo Valentin Centre.
    The patterns of violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Security, geography and the killing of civilians during the war of the 1990s2018In: Political Geography, ISSN 0962-6298, E-ISSN 1873-5096, Vol. 63, p. 148-158Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    How can we best explain the uneven spatial distribution of lethal violence against civilians during civil wars and other conflicts? This question has attracted an increasing amount of research interest during the last decade, when the dissemination of georeferenced statistical data has facilitated the use of GIS software for the study of civil war violence. While many scholars focus on the relationship between the spatial distribution of violence and the topographic, economic or environmental character of land, others have looked into how local-level cleavages and antagonisms influence the violence or at the military-strategic logic driving the belligerents. This article introduces the concept of “spatial securitization” in order to explain the uneven distribution of civilian deaths across space by using the violence against civilians during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1990s as an empirical case. By this is meant a process through which elites attribute importance to specific administrative and other territorial units, depending on political and military context. I predict that while high levels of ethnic heterogeneity do not necessarily translate into above-average levels of violence, homogenous municipalities will display a lower magnitude of violence than the average. This is because ethnic dominance produces strong legitimacy in territorial claims. A belligerent might therefore find it counterproductive to spend resources on attacking a region that one cannot legitimately claim in a peace settlement. However, such areas may also be attacked if and when they are of great strategic importance and thus highly securitized.The results show that increased levels of violence are strongly associated with the municipalities that the Bosnian Serb elite considered to be highly important from a security perspective across victim groups, while Croat and Bosniak victims were primarily affected in their own securitized municipalities. Another important finding is that high levels of ethnic dominance had a negative influence on the killing of civilians. The conclusion is that violence will be rather uncommon in areas where an incumbent can count on control and therefore has no need to target civilians. Conversely, the evidence fails to support the idea that areas where no one actor has demographic control are disproportionately violent, unless the territory was highly securitized.

  • 2.
    Dulić, Tomislav
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Department of History, The Hugo Valentin Centre.
    The patterns of violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Security, geography and the killing of civilians during the war of the 1990s2018In: Political Geography, ISSN 0962-6298, E-ISSN 1873-5096, Vol. 63, p. 148-158Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 3.
    Fjelde, Hanne
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    von Uexkull, Nina
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Climate triggers: Rainfall anomalies, vulnerability and communal conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa2012In: Political Geography, ISSN 0962-6298, E-ISSN 1873-5096, Vol. 31, no 7, p. 444-453Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The mounting evidence for climate change has put the security implications of increased climate variability high on the agenda of policymakers. However, several years of research have produced no consensus regarding whether climate variability increases the risk of armed conflict. Many have suggested that instead of outright civil war, climate variability is likely to heighten the risk of communal conflict. In particular, erratic rainfall, which reduces the availability of water and arable land, could create incentives for violent attacks against other communities to secure access to scarce resources. Yet, whether groups resort to violence in the face of environmentally induced hardship is likely to depend on the availability of alternative coping mechanisms, for example through market transfers or state accommodation. This suggests that the effect of rainfall anomalies on communal conflict will be stronger in the presence of economic and political marginalization. We evaluate these arguments statistically, utilizing a disaggregated dataset combining rainfall data with geo-referenced events data on the occurrence of communal conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa between 1990 and 2008. Our results suggest that large negative deviations in rainfall from the historical norm are associated with a higher risk of communal conflict. There is some evidence that the effect of rainfall shortages on the risk of communal conflict is amplified in regions inhabited by politically excluded ethno-political groups.

  • 4.
    Jansson, David
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social and Economic Geography.
    Deadly exceptionalisms, or, would you rather be crushed by a moral superpower or a military superpower?2018In: Political Geography, ISSN 0962-6298, E-ISSN 1873-5096, Vol. 64, p. 83-91Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this essay, I consider the ways in which nationalism in both the U.S. and Sweden relies on notions of exceptionalism, and I discuss what this means materially for their own populations and for the world. The analysis consists of two lines of attack against both these assumptions of exceptionalism – one focusing on psychological processes and the other political economy processes. I examine the historical development of the ideas of U.S. and Swedish exceptionalism, and consider the roles of ignorance, denial, and projection in maintaining these problematic ideas. Through the use of a materialist definition of racism, I show how the nationalist ideology of exceptionalism in these two cases harms the well-being of their own citizens as well as citizens of other states. I argue that a combination of the psychological and political economy approaches are necessary if we are to both understand the power and impact of exceptionalism as a nationalist ideology and to be able to effectively work against their tendency to “crush” marginalized groups.

  • 5.
    Jansson, David
    Pennsylvania State University.
    Dodgshon, Robert A. Society in time and space: a geographical perspective on change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 19982003In: Political Geography, ISSN 0962-6298, E-ISSN 1873-5096, Vol. 22, no 5, p. 587-590Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 6.
    Jansson, David
    Pennsylvania State University.
    Internal orientalism in America: W.J. Cash’s The Mind of the South and the spatial construction of American national identity2003In: Political Geography, ISSN 0962-6298, E-ISSN 1873-5096, Vol. 22, no 3, p. 293-316Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article is an attempt to establish a framework for investigating the spatial constructionof national identity, using the case of the US. The concept of internal orientalism is used toanalyze representations of the South as an internal spatial “other” in the US and to suggest a link between these representations and the construction of a privileged national identity. While scholars have explored the role of internal othering in the production of national identities, these studies have either ignored space or treated it as a subordinate component. I argue forthe utility of considering the primacy of space (in the sense of the imagined space of a region within the state) in the construction of national identity. Through an analysis of the influentialbook The Mind of the South I attempt to discern the relationship between the identity of the South and that of America. Portrayals of the South such as Cash’s denote the South as the repository of a set of negative characteristics (such as poverty, racism, violence, and backwardness), and I argue that as a result, these undesirable traits are excised from the national identity. According to this argument, the geographic ideas “America” and “the South”are opposite poles of a binary, and the identity of one cannot be understood except as linkedto the identity of the other; therefore, representations of a degenerate South inform an exalted national identity.

  • 7.
    von Uexküll, Nina
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Sustained drought, vulnerability and civil conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa2014In: Political Geography, ISSN 0962-6298, E-ISSN 1873-5096, Vol. 43, no SI, p. 16-26Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    With climate change projections indicating a likely future increase in extreme weather phenomena, it is an urgent matter to assess the effect of drought on civil conflict. However, studies of this relationship so far provide inconclusive findings. One reason for this inconsistency is that existing research has not sufficiently taken into account the local vulnerability and coping capacity that condition the effect of drought. In particular, the exposure to sustained droughts undermines alternative coping mechanisms of individuals. Moreover, reliance on rainfed agriculture for income and food provision renders individuals particularly vulnerable to droughts. Based on these observations, I suggest that areas experiencing sustained droughts or depending on rainfed agriculture are more likely to see civil conflict following drought as individuals in these regions are more likely to partake in rebellion in order to redress economic grievances or to obtain food and income. Using novel high-resolution data on civil conflict events in Sub-Saharan Africa from 1989 to 2008, this paper evaluates the relationship between sustained drought, rainfed agriculture and civil conflict violence at the subnational level. In line with the argument, areas with rainfed croplands see an increased risk of civil conflict violence following drought. There is also some support for the proposition that areas experiencing sustained droughts have a higher risk of conflict. The results are robust to a wide range of model specifications.

  • 8.
    Walch, Colin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Collaboration or obstruction?: Rebel group behavior during natural disaster relief in the Philippines2014In: Political Geography, ISSN 0962-6298, E-ISSN 1873-5096, Vol. 43, no SI, p. 40-50Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Under what conditions do rebel groups collaborate with the government in disaster relief operations? Despite the fact that many natural disasters occur in armed conflict contexts, little is known about the impact of conflict actors on natural disaster relief efforts. Affected by the same typhoon, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the New People's Army (NPA) behaved differently in the aftermath of the natural disaster. While the MILF collaborated with the government in relief efforts, the NPA did not. This article explains this variation by arguing that the level of hostility between the rebel group and the state in the pre-disaster period as well as the type of social contract that exists between the rebels and the local population shape collaboration during natural disaster relief efforts. The theoretical argument is explored through a comparative case study between these two rebel groups in the aftermath of a devastating typhoon in the Philippines in 2012.

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