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  • 1.
    Berg, Annika
    et al.
    Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations (NCGM).
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Dissecting Gender Imbalance: A Horizontal Perspective on When Risk Matters for the Assignment of Women to UN Peacekeeping Missions2016In: Res Militaris, E-ISSN 2265-6294, no 2Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Despite efforts to improve the gender balance in UN peacekeeping missions, the overall proportion of female military peacekeepers is still low. This article focuses on the methodological challenges involved in examining gender balance in international missions. By bringing a horizontal analysis to bear on the proportion of women in UN peacekeeping missions, the study shows how different factors influence that proportion among contingent troops and military observers, respectively. Earlier research has pointed to the fact that the proportion of women is lower in high-risk missions because of the influence of military masculinities in assignments. The authors argue that when examining such a relationship, the different nature of the two groups - contingent troops and military observers, and how prone they are to combat and risk - must be considered and is best approached through a horizontally disaggregated line of analysis. The horizontal study outlined in this article confirms that such a relationship exists as regards contingent troops, but not among military observers. Its findings primarily show the relevance of a horizontally disaggregated analysis when examining factors that influence gender balance in international missions. Secondly, it suggests that other factors than the influence of military masculinities and the prevalence of mission risk also affect the proportion of women among military observers and similar groups in international missions. The authors conclude by stressing the need for future research to identify the factors that underpin assignment to different military functions, not least when it comes to servicewomen.  

  • 2.
    Bergqvist, Christina
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    A Feminist Opposition to Gender Equality?: Making Sense of the Social Democratic Party's Internal Struggle over Extending Parental-Leave Quotas in Sweden2018In: Varieties of Opposition to Gender Equality in Europe / [ed] Mieke Verloo, Routledge, 2018Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 3.
    Bergqvist, Christina
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Analyzing Failure, Understanding Success: A Research Strategy for Explaining Gender Equality Policy Adoption2013In: NORA: Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research, ISSN 0803-8740, E-ISSN 1502-394X, Vol. 21, no 4, p. 280-295Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    One of the major challenges within feminist research is to understand the conditions under which gender equality policies are adopted. This article addresses the issue from a methodological point of view: it suggests that previous research on gender equality policy adoption has mostly focused on “successful” cases, and it presents a research strategy for systematically analysing opposition and “failed” attempts at gender equality policy adoption, that is, reform attempts that have not become laws or regulations. A closer analysis of failure is important for understanding success: we cannot be sure that the factors identified as conducive to gender equality reform are really missing in unsuccessful reform attempts unless we pay explicit attention to such attempts. The research strategy suggests three issues that should be addressed: (1) specify and select “unsuccessful” cases, (2) focus explicitly on resistance to the reform proposal, and (3) conduct a dynamic analysis of the strategies of proponents and opponents. We illustrate the research strategy by making use of a failed attempt at reform in the Swedish labour market: the individualization of the parental leave system.

  • 4.
    Bergqvist, Christina
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The Gendered Leeway: Male Privilege, Internal and External Mandates, and Gender Equality Policy Change2018In: Politics, Groups, and Identities, ISSN 2156-5503, Vol. 6, no 4, p. 576-592Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article addresses the question of why male politicians continue to be relatively unlikely to act in favor of gender-equality policy change, despite the advances in gender equality in recent decades. Drawing together literature on men and masculinities, feminist institutionalism and women’s substantive representation, we present a theoretical argument in which we distinguish between an internal and an external mandate to push for genderequality policy change. We argue that both these mandates apply to female politicians but not to their male colleagues. As a consequence, a gendered leeway exists: men have more leeway than women in political maneuvering. We illustrate this argument by analyzing high-ranked party representatives within the selflabelled feminist Swedish Social Democratic Party. This article contributes theoretically to the launching of a research agenda on the role of men in processes of gender-equality policy adoption.

  • 5.
    Bergqvist, Christina
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    When Class Trumps Sex: The Social Democratic Intra-Party Struggle Over Extending Parental Leave Quotas in Sweden2016In: Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society, ISSN 1072-4745, E-ISSN 1468-2893, Vol. 23, no 2, p. 169-191Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    One challenge within gender and politics literature is understanding the circumstances under which gender equality policies are adopted. This article analyzes a “failed” case of adoption in a gender-progressive setting: the Swedish Social Democrats' failure in 2005 to reform parental leave legislation by extending the quota for each parent. The analysis builds on interviews with high-ranked party representatives—both advocates and opponents of the reform. We identify tensions between proponents' gender concerns and opponents' class-based interests and suggest that left-oriented parties are unlikely to adopt gender equality policies when competing class interests coincide with veto players' short-term electoral goals.

  • 6.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Addressing Fear and Injustice to Create an East Asian Culture of Peace2015In: Global Asia, ISSN 1553-1392, E-ISSN 1976-068X, Vol. 10, no 4Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 7.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Focusing on Masculinity and Male-Dominated Networks2018In: Gender and Corruption: Historical Roots and New Avenues for Research / [ed] Helena Stensöta and Lena Wängnerud, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, p. 257-273Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 8.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gender, Informal Institutions and Political Recruitment: Explaining Male Dominance in Parliamentary Representation2015 (ed. 2)Book (Refereed)
  • 9.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gender, Informal Institutions and Political Recruitment: Explaining Male Dominance in Parliamentary Representation2013Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Parliaments around the world are still overwhelmingly populated by men, yet studies of male dominance are much rarer than are studies of female under-representation. In this book, men in politics are the subjects of a gendered analysis. How do men manage to hold on to positions of power despite societal trends in the opposite direction? And why do men seek to cooperate mainly with other men? Elin Bjarnegård studies how male networks are maintained and expanded and seeks to improve our understanding of the rationale underlying male dominance in politics. The findings build on results both from statistical analyses of parliamentary composition worldwide and from extensive field work in Thailand. A new concept, homosocial capital, is coined and developed to help us understand the persistence of male political dominance.

  • 10.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gendered Parties: Making the male norm visible in Thai Politics2010In: Gendered inequalities in Asia: Configuring, contesting and recognizing women and men / [ed] Helle Rydstrøm, Copenhagen: NIAS Press , 2010, p. 223-251Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 11.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Making Gender Visible in Election Violence: Strategies for Data Collection2018In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 14, no 4, p. 690-695Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Election violence is an important issue from a number of perspectives. Understanding the causes and consequences of violations of personal integrity is always relevant, but election violence adds a different dimension to this already serious issue: it also violates electoral integrity and decreases democratic quality (Norris 2013). Therefore, election violence should be studied as a simultaneous violation of personal and electoral integrity. In this contribution, I define election violence as occurring when (1) the goal of the act is to affect an electoral outcome or prevent someone from running in an election, and (2) the means by which it is carried out violates the personal integrity of individuals involved in the electoral process.

  • 12.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Gender Research.
    Men in Politics: Revisiting Patterns of Gendered Parliamentary Representation in Thailand and Beyond2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Male parliamentary dominance, rather than the corresponding female parliamentary underrepresentation, is the object of study in this thesis. This shift in focus implies a gendered analysis centered on men and men’s practices. The thesis contributes to our understanding of how male dominance is maintained and reinvented by empirically studying male parliamentary dominance in clientelist settings. Worldwide trends of parliamentary representation are analyzed statistically and constitute the starting-point for a case study of male political networks in Thailand.

    Clientelism is a strategy used by political actors to increase predictability in politically unpredictable settings. The thesis shows that clientelism is an informal political practice that requires the building and maintenance of large and localized networks to help distribute services, goods and/or money in exchange for political support. Where political parties also use candidate selection procedures that are informal, exclusive and localized, there are ample openings for clientelist practices to translate into political power and ultimately parliamentary seats.

    This study also coins and develops a new concept: homosocial capital. It shows that clientelist networks are and continue to be male dominated because homosocial capital, a political capital accessible only to men, is needed for electoral success. Homosocial capital has two main components: a perceived pragmatic necessity to build linkages to those with access to important resources in society and a more psychological desire to cooperate with individuals whose behavior can be understood, predicted and trusted.

  • 13.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Men’s Political Representation2018In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics / [ed] William R. Thompson, Oxford University Press, 2018Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In much research on gender and representation, the constraining factors for women’s political representation have served as a backdrop against which women’s activities are contextualized, rather than as a primary focus of research. Research explicitly focusing on men’s overrepresentation in politics does the opposite: it puts the reproduction of male dominance at the center of the analysis. Such a focus on men and masculinities and their relation to political power requires a set of analytical tools that are partly distinctly different from the tools used to analyze women’s underrepresentation. A feminist institutionalist framework is used to identify the logic of recruitment underpinning the reproduction of male dominance. It proposes and elaborates on two main types of political capital that under certain circumstances may reinforce male dominance and resist challenges to it: homosocial capital, consisting of instrumental and expressive rules favoring different types of similarity; and male capital, consisting of sexist and patriarchal resources that always favor men. Although the different types of political capital may be empirically related, they should be analytically separated because they require different methodological approaches and call for different strategies for change.

  • 14.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The development of a field: gender, politics and Joni Lovenduski2015In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, Vol. 14, no 3, p. 361-363Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 15.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Varför har männen fortfarande makten?2013In: Statsvetenskapens frågor / [ed] Li Bennich-Björkman, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2013, p. 135-142Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 16.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Who's the Perfect Politician?: Clientelism as a determining feature of Thai politics2013In: Party Politics in Southeast Asia: Clientelism and Electoral Competition in Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines / [ed] Dirk Tomsa and Andreas Ufen, Abington, Oxon: Routledge, 2013, p. 142-162Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 17.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Honor and Political Violence: Micro-level findings from a Survey in Thailand2017In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 54, no 6, p. 748-761Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Who participates in political violence? In this study, we investigate the issue at the micro-level, comparing individuals who have used violence in political uprising with those who have not. We develop our argument from the observation that men are strongly overrepresented in political violence, although most men do not participate. Literature on masculinities emphasizes the role of honor and its links to different forms of violence, such as domestic abuse, criminal violence, and violent attitudes. Building on this literature, we discern two separate but related aspects of honor: honor as male societal privilege and control over female sexuality, i.e., patriarchal values, and honor as ideals of masculine toughness, i.e., the perceived necessity for men to be fierce and respond to affronts with violence or threats of violence in order to preserve status. We argue that patriarchal values combined with ideals of masculine toughness together constitute honor ideology, which contributes in turn to the explanation of who participates in political violence. We present new and unique individual-level survey data on these issues, collected in Thailand. We find that honor ideology strongly and robustly predicts a higher likelihood of participating in political violence among male political activists. A number of previous studies find a macro-level relationship between gender equality and peacefulness in a society. This study provides evidence for one micro-level mechanism linking gender equality and political violence at the macro-level. Based on these results, we conclude that honor ideology endorsement is a driver of violence in political conflicts.

  • 18.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Violent Boyhoods, Masculine Honor Ideology, and Political Violence: Survey Findings From Thailand2019In: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, ISSN 0886-2605, E-ISSN 1552-6518, p. 1-25Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Throughout history, those who have participated in political violence have predominantly been male young adults. At the same time, we know that most young men will not use violence for political protest. So what distinguishes those who do from those who do not? In this article, we link psychological research on the intergenerational effects of violence in the family to violence in the political arena. We ask to what extent experiences of violence as a child are associated with participation in political violence as an adult. Our overarching argument is that family-of-origin violence may not only have serious negative, intergenerational effects on health and well-being but also on future spirals of violence for the individual. Family-of-origin violence may also lead to an increased risk of using violence for political purposes due to the diffusion of violence norms, whereby violence is seen as a just and appropriate response to conflict. We test this claim using micro-level data from the Survey on Gender, Politics, and Violence in Thailand, conducted in 2012-2013. For our analyses, we zoom in on men from a specific cluster sample of the survey: 200 political activist interviewees—100 Red Shirts and 100 Yellow Shirts. The results support our claim. We find that experiences of family violence as a child increase the risk of participating in political violence as an adult among male political activists in Thailand. Our study suggests one imperative policy implication: Violence prevention measures at the individual level—against corporal punishment of children or violence against women—may have critical implications also for decreasing the risk for and prevalence of political violence and armed conflict in society.

  • 19.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kenny, Meryl
    Univ Edinburgh, Sch Social & Polit Sci, Edinburgh EH8 9YL, Midlothian, Scotland.
    Comparing Candidate Selection: A Feminist Institutionalist Approach2016In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 51, no 3, p. 370-392Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This contribution evaluates the theoretical and methodological challenges ofresearching the gendered dynamics of candidate selection in comparativeperspective. It argues that comparative studies should take into account not only thegendered nature of political parties and their wider institutional context, but mustalso investigate the informal aspects of the selection process and their genderedconsequences. The article explores these dynamics by revisiting original in-depthresearch on the candidate selection process in two different settings – Thailand andScotland. Using a common analytical framework, the article reflects on this workand points to two key aspects of the interaction between formal and informal rules –the gendered consequences of informal party recruitment and of local influenceover candidate selection – which are critically important for understanding thecontinuity of male political dominance and female under-representation. The articleconcludes by outlining a research agenda for comparative work on gender, institutionsand candidate selection and pointing to future directions for work in this area.

  • 20.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kenny, Meryl
    University of Edinburgh.
    Revealing the “Secret Garden": The Informal Dimensions of Political Recruitment2015In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 11, no 4, p. 748-753Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Candidate selection and recruitment has been notably described as the “secret garden” of politics—an obscure process, often hidden from view, that is regulated largely by internal party rules, informal practices, and power relationships (cf. Gallagher and Marsh 1988). In this contribution, we contend that informal party practices and their gendered consequences are critically important for understanding the continuity of male political dominance and female underrepresentation. Rather than make a strict separation between formal and informal rules in the recruitment process, we argue that gender politics scholars must instead identify and empirically investigate the specific combinations of such rules that impact upon women's and men's political participation in parties. The proposed approach allows for a more nuanced understanding of the bounded nature and variable outcomes of institutional innovation and party change.

  • 21.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kenny, Meryl
    University of Edinburgh.
    Who, Where and How?: Informal institutions and the Third Generation of Research on Gendered Dynamics in Political Recruitment2017In: Gender and Informal Institutions / [ed] Georgina Waylen, Rowman & Littlefield International, 2017Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 22.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kreutz, JoakimDepartment of Political Science, Stockholm University.
    Debating the East Asian Peace: What it is. How it came about. Will it last?2017Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 23.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame, USA.
    Disentangling gender, peace and democratization: the negative effects of militarized masculinity2011In: Journal of Gender Studies, ISSN 0958-9236, E-ISSN 1465-3869, Vol. 20, no 2, p. 139-154Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates, both theoretically and empirically, the relationships between democratization, gender equality and peace. We argue that there is a need to scrutinize both the level of democracy as well as the level of masculine hegemony in societies. Methodologically, we use a combination of quantitative and qualitative analyses to support our argument. We employ regression analysis to show that the relationship between the extent of democracy and the representation of women in politics appears, at first glance, to be non-existent but turns out to be a curvi-linear one. We also show that democracy can facilitate peace, but only in interaction with the level of political gender equality, so that more democratic societies are more peaceful only if there have been moves to gender equality. Our interpretation of these findings is illustrated by the contemporary politics of Thailand. Recent political violence in southern Thailand can be accounted for in the context of it being only partly democratized, where a culture of militarized masculinity persists alongside with, and even within, democratic institutions. Such a culture makes it both difficult for women to enter the political sphere, despite democratic elections, and fosters political violence.

  • 24.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gender and Conflict in East Asia2017In: Routledge Handbook of Asia in World Politics / [ed] Teh-Kuang Chang, Angelin Chang, New York, NY: Routledge, 2017, p. 216-226Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 25.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Pacific Men: how the feminist gap explains hostility2017In: The Pacific Review, ISSN 0951-2748, E-ISSN 1470-1332, Vol. 30, no 4, p. 478-493Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The gender gap in attitudes to foreign policy is well established in public opinion literature. Studies have repeatedly reported that women tend to be more peacefuland less militaristic than men. This article reexamines attitudes of individuals inrelation to foreign policy and pits the gender gap against the largely forgotten feminist gap. We argue that the individual-level relationship between gender equality attitudes on the one hand, and tolerance and benevolence on the other, is underresearched,but also that key contributions about the effects of feminism have beenmostly ignored in research on the gender gap in public opinion. We return to the notion of a causal relationship between gender equality attitudes, and peaceful attitudes, and of a feminist gap that also exists among men. In a series of novel empirical tests, we demonstrate that attitudes to gender equality, not biological sex, explain attitudes towards other nationalities and religious groups. Using individual level survey data from five countries around the Pacific: China, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, and the United States of America, we show that both men and women who reject gender equality are much more hostile both to other nations and to minorities in their own country.

  • 26.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Revisiting Representation: Communism, Women in Politics, and the Decline of Armed Conflict in East Asia2013In: International Interactions, ISSN 0305-0629, E-ISSN 1547-7444, Vol. 39, no 4, p. 558-574Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This research note evaluates one of the commonly used measurements for political gender equality: representation of women in parliaments. It demonstrates that caution is called for when interpreting results where this variable is used, because parliamentary representation implies different things in different settings. Societies with more women in parliament tend to have fewer intrastate armed conflicts. We investigate this statistical association with a particular focus on East Asia. This region has seen a shift from extremely intense warfare to low levels of battle deaths at roughly the same time as great strides have been made in the representation of women in parliaments. This research note shows, however, that this statistical association is driven by authoritarian communist regimes promoting gender equality as a part of communist ideology, and these countries’ representative chambers have little influence over politics. Using statistical tests and empirical illustrations from East Asia, the note concludes that the political representation of women is an invalid indicator of political gender equality in East Asia. There is thus a need for nuance in assessing the picture painted in earlier research. In addition, the suggestion that more women in parliament will lead to fewer armed conflicts runs the risk of being forwarded as an oversimplified solution to a complex problem, and we briefly discuss the instrumentalization of gender equality in peace and security studies.

  • 27.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Thailand's Missing Democrats: Reds, Yellows, and the Silent Majority2014In: Foreign Affairs, ISSN 0015-7120, no 22 MayArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 28.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Women’s participation and peace?: The decline of armed conflict in East Asia2015In: Gender, Peace and Security: Implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1325 / [ed] Louise Olsson, Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2015, p. 19-36Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 29.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Bardall, Gabrielle
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Johansson, Karin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Muvumba Sellström, Angela
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Olsson, Louise
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gender, peace and armed conflict2015In: SIPRI Yearbook 2015: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security / [ed] Ian Davis, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015, p. 101-109Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 30.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Gender Research. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research. Uppsala Univ, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Murray, Rainbow
    Queen Mary Univ London, London, England.
    Critical Perspectives on Men and Masculinities in Politics: Introduction2018In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 14, no 2, p. 264-265Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 31.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Murray, Rainbow
    Queen Mary Univ London, Polit, London, England.
    Revisiting Forms of Representation by Critically Examining Men2018In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 14, no 2, p. 265-270Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Research on gender and politics has made use of Pitkin's (1967) distinction between descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation to conceptualize and understand the different facets of women's underrepresentation and misrepresentation. The corresponding overrepresentation of men has seldom been explicitly recognized in this literature. We explore what the critical study of men and masculinities could contribute to the study of different forms of representation. Researching the descriptive overrepresentation of men implies recognizing male dominance and turning our attention from the factors that constrain women from entering politics to the factors that enable and reproduce men's presence. Researching the substantive representation of men also implies investigating how men represent men and identifying whether hegemonic masculinities privilege the representation of some men while neglecting others. Finally, a study of the symbolic representation of men implies identifying and describing the masculine signals and symbols that permeate political life but remain largely invisible because they constitute the political norm. Naming them as “masculine” will facilitate a gendered analysis of political institutions, practices, and discourses that are seldom questioned. We also consider the symbolic representation of men who do not conform to hegemonic masculine ideals and are not represented descriptively.

  • 32.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Tønnesson, Stein
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Why So Much Conflict in Thailand?2015In: Thammasat Review, ISSN 0859-5747, Vol. 18, no 1, p. 132-161Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Thailand has since 2004 formed an exception to the general peace trend in East Asia. An insurgency in its deep south has cost several thousand lives. Thailand has also engaged in a deadly border conflict with Cambodia and there have been violent incidents in Bangkok, as part of a polarized struggle for power between bitterly opposed political factions. Why does Thailand go against the regional grain? We seek an explanation to the Thai exception by investigating to what extent the southern conflict, the border dispute and the struggle over government are causally interlinked. The latter, we suggest, has been the determining factor, and the main explanation for the upsurge of conflict in Thailand is the lack of civilian control with the military, which has weakened state capacity and made it possible to topple elected governments in coups, court decisions and street-based campaigns.

  • 33.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Yoon, Mi Yung
    Hannover College.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gender Quotas and the Re(pro)duction of Corruption2018In: Gender and Corruptoon: Historical Roots and New Avenues for Research / [ed] Helena Stensöta and Lena Wängnerud, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 34.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gender Equality Reforms on an Uneven Playing Field: Candidate Selection and Quota Implementation in Electoral Authoritarian Tanzania2016In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 51, no 3, p. 464-486Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the dynamics that gender quota reforms create withinand between government and opposition parties in electoral authoritariandominant-party states. A dominant-party state regularly holds relativelycompetitive elections, but the political playing field is skewed in favour of thegovernment party. We investigate the circumstances under which genderquotas’ goal of furthering political gender equality within political parties canbe reconciled with parties’ electoral concerns. We address these issues byanalysing the implementation of reserved seats by the three largest parties inthe dominant-party state of Tanzania. The empirical analysis suggests that theuneven playing field leaves an imprint on the specific priorities parties makewhen implementing candidate selection reforms. Because of large resource gapsbetween parties, the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi – (CCM), is able toreconcile gender equality concerns with power-maximizing partisan strategies toa greater extent than the opposition parties.

  • 35.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Political Parties and Gender Quota Implementation: The Role of Bureaucratized Candidate Selection Processes2016In: Comparative politics, ISSN 0010-4159, E-ISSN 2151-6227, Vol. 48, no 3, p. 393-417Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article scrutinizes the role of political parties in gender quota implementation. First, it theoretically specifies and operationalizes the concept of bureaucratization in relation to candidate selection. Second, it examines whether parties with bureaucratized selection procedures are better at implementing legally mandated candidate quotas than other parties. We measure implementation as the number of women candidates and women elected (the latter measuring implementation of the spirit of quota laws). Using unique data on almost 100 Latin American parties, the analysis shows that once quotas are in place, parties with bureaucratized selection procedures put substantially more women on their candidate lists than other parties. However, these parties are only better at implementing the letter of the law: they do not get more women elected.

  • 36.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Political parties, formal selection criteria, and gendered parliamentary representation2019In: Party Politics, ISSN 1354-0688, E-ISSN 1460-3683, Vol. 25, no 3, p. 325-335Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Political parties sometimes set up formal criteria to define the pool of potential candidates. This article represents the first large-scale comparative analysis of potential unintended gendered consequences of these formal selection criteria for parliamentary representation. Using unique data on 101 political parties in 32 African, Asian, and postcommunist European countries, we find that there is indeed a relationship between formal selection criteria and men's and women's political representation. Criteria that concern ethnic or geographic background and intraparty experiences are harmful to women. On the other hand, gendered consequences are not as pronounced as a result of criteria concerning qualifications or requirements in relation to electability. Taken together, the analysis points to the need to pay increased attention to formal selection criteria and how this under-researched aspect of candidate selection shapes the parliamentary representation of underrepresented groups.

  • 37.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Removing Quotas, Maintaining Representation: Overcoming Gender Inequalities in Political Party Recruitment2011In: Representation: Journal of Representative Democracy, ISSN 0034-4893, E-ISSN 1749-4001, Vol. 47, no 2, p. 187-199Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Gender quotas are often referred to as temporary measures to be removed once the barriers for women's political representation have permanently been broken. This article explores theoretically the potential for different quota types to be removed whilst maintaining a high level of women's representation. We find that implemented party/legislative quotas with rank order specifications is the quota type that is most likely to both increase women's numerical representation and to reform political parties' practices in a gender-equal way.

  • 38.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Why are Representational Guarantees Adopted for Women and Minorities?: Comparing Constituency Formation and Electoral Quota Design Within Countries2014In: Representation: Journal of Representative Democracy, ISSN 0034-4893, E-ISSN 1749-4001, Vol. 50, no 3, p. 307-320Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores the underlying motives for ensuring the political inclusion of marginalised groups. More specifically, it analyses whether laws guaranteeing representation are designed differently for women and minorities and, if so, whether these differences correspond to normative arguments for group representation. We use a novel research strategy by comparing quota designs in all countries that have adopted quotas for both groups. Theoretically, we reconceptualise the relevant distinction between quota types by focusing on whether a special constituency is created or not. We identify substantial differences in quota design between the two groups. Minorities tend to be guaranteed representation through the creation of special constituencies, whereas gender quotas more commonly imply integration into pre-existing constituencies. The analysis largely supports those who argue that quotas for minorities aim to increase the autonomy of the group in question while gender quotas are adopted with the intention to integrate women into the political system.

  • 39.
    Kreutz, Joakim
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Eck, Kristine
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Guthrey, Holly L.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Svensson, Isak
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Tønnesson, Stein
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The East Asian Peace: will it last?2017In: Debating the East Asian Peace: What it is, How it came about, Will it last? / [ed] Elin Bjarnegård, Joakim Kreutz, Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2017, p. 281-296Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 40.
    Melander, Erik
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Dangerous Democracies: Exploring the Combustive Combination of Democracy and Gender Inequality2013Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 41.
    Tønnesson, Stein
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Svensson, Isak
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Schaftenaar, Susanne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The fragile peace in East and South East Asia2013In: SIPRI yearbook: Armaments, disarmament and international security. 2013, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013, p. 28-40Chapter in book (Other academic)
1 - 41 of 41
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