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  • 1.
    Gustavsson, Sverker
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Framtiden för demokratin trettiofem år senare2019Ingår i: Vänbok till Jörgen Hermansson / [ed] Johan Tralau, Jenny Jansson, Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2019, s. 93-95Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 2.
    Noreland, Lena
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Laga efter läge: Statsråds föreställningar om styrning i Regeringskansliet2019Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis concentrates on two questions: What beliefs do ministers have of appropriate steering in the Swedish core executive Regeringskansliet (RK)? Do they believe that RK is a politically steered organization as it is usually described, or as a throughout political organization, as some political scientists have recently depicted it? RK embraces two institutional subcultures: one non-political with permanent civil servants and firm rules and regulations for work processes, the other one political, where work conditions are more adaptive. Analyses of beliefs that ministers may have, build on information from interviews with 35 ministers in governments from 1991 to 2014. They answered questions about their steering of preparation work in cases, performed by civil servants. They described their choice of strategies and means for steering. Their explicit memories of actual steering activities have been used for inferences of their beliefs. The research method is typically qualitative. Two organizational theories serve as basis for the analyses. One is the legal bureaucratic model, mainly according to Max Weber. Either ministers steer the work of civil servants hierarchically, giving instructions directly to them. Or else, they steer with political advisers as proxies, thereby involving them in the hierarchical steering. The other one is a cadre theory - an unorthodox choice, which reflects a recent idea saying that RK is a throughout political cadre organization where ministers, staff members as well as civil servants are political office holders. All ministers stressed that work processes in RK ministries are steered by them, i.e. they believe RK to be a politically steered organization. Ministers chose steering strategies according to institutional demands and possibilities and according to their beliefs of what strategies match their individual ambitions for the government position. Most ministers stated that they gave instructions directly to civil servants. But approximately three out of ten ministers said that they steered using political advisors as proxies, in some cases with far-reaching mandates to act independently. The ministers focused both on steering formulation of the matter per se and preparation procedures when it was important for the political outcome.

    From minister perspectives the political staff can be identified as a cadre. Evidence for civil servants being seen as political cadres was scarce. One minister had practiced typical cadre steering in specific task forces, parallel to hierarchical steering in the ordinary ministry organization. Some ministers had used detached cadre-oriented means. In their opinion, informality in steering procedures promoted the performance of civil servants. One minister mentioned that all work in RK ultimately results in government decisions, and that is why RK may be characterized as an outright political organization. Almost all ministers who used political advisors as proxies, belonged to coalition governments. Their choice of steering strategy can be understood as an adjustment to the heavy workload that coordination of politics imposes on them.

  • 3.
    Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Wockelberg, Helena
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Att handleda och att vara handledd2018Ingår i: Vänbok till Jörgen Hermansson / [ed] Johan Tralau & Jenny Jansson, Uppsala: Statsvetenskapliga föreningen , 2018Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 4.
    Wangel, Marcus
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Deep Roots and Tangled Branches: Bureaucracy and Collaboration in Natural Resource Governance in South India2018Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This is a study about collaboration within bureaucracies tasked with natural resource management in the contemporary Global South. It seeks to fill a considerable knowledge gap in the extant literature by exploring how individual public officials perceive the policy environment they work in. These individuals face multiple pressures to work more collaboratively yet the ways in which they are incentivised and develop goals and strategies for collaboration have been neglected in past research. A deeper understanding of this process is essential as public officials are largely responsible for implementing policies ensuring the welfare of millions of deprived people in rural areas, and for safeguarding the sustainable use of the natural commons.

    This book is an institutional analysis of the drivers of collaboration at the individual level. It builds on immersive ethnographic fieldwork on the forest bureaucracy in Kerala, South India where field observations and ninety interviews were conducted with state forest officials. The empirical analysis finds that the majority of officials are in favour of working more collaboratively for a plurality of reasons, but perceive themselves constrained by the formal institutional setup of the forest bureaucracy. To mitigate these limitations forest officials design numerous boundary-spanning, informal networks that function as vehicles of institutionalised coordination and collaboration.

    Importantly, the officials develop preferences for joint action on policy issues which they perceive the formal organisation is incapable of delivering, not least improved forest livelihoods. These findings are a significant contribution and stand in contrast to most previous related research which has focused on issues of bureaucratic malfeasance in the context of natural resource governance. The findings are also noteworthy as they point to a rich variety of more nuanced roles and abilities individual public officials in India may hold, beyond that of the stereotype corrupt bureaucrat.

    In addition to the contextualised and vivified empirical description of informal collaboration this study makes two additional contributions. First, it highlights and demonstrates the utility of an ethnographic approach to the study of informal institutions and institutionally constrained behaviour in settings that are little studied and hard to access. Second, it contributes to theoretical discussions on the interplay between formal and informal institutions. In particular this concerns the rationality and necessity of informal strategies when formal institutional frameworks impose constraints on individual agents or lack the capacity to solve complex problems.

  • 5.
    Persson, Thomas
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Bäck, Hanna
    Lunds universitet.
    Det parlamentariska experimentet2018Ingår i: Vänbok till Jörgen Hermansson / [ed] Johan Tralau och Jenny Jansson, Uppsala: Statsvetenskapliga föreningen , 2018, s. 89-92Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 6.
    Leijon, Karin
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    National Courts as Gatekeepers in European Integration: Examining the Choices National Courts Make in the Preliminary Ruling Procedure2018Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The national courts’ placement in the intersection between the EU and member state legal systems makes them important gatekeepers in the process of European legal integration. In the scholarly debate, national courts are characterized as either supporters of legal integration or as defenders of national sovereignty. The aim of this thesis is to improve our understanding of the national courts’ role as gatekeepers in EU legal integration by shedding new light on the national courts’ behavioral patterns and the reasoning of individual judges in the preliminary ruling procedure. Empirically the thesis provides a detailed examination of the national courts’ two key choices in the preliminary ruling procedure, both of which have important implications for the scope and pace of integration: (1) whether national courts are allowing the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) to decide politically sensitive cases in which national policies are at stake; and (2) whether national courts frame cases by expressing support for an integration-friendly interpretation of the EU law or whether they instead voice an opinion in defense of challenged national law. Theoretically, the thesis contributes to redefining the main theoretical controversy on what role national courts play in EU legal integration by identifying previously un-theorized behavior patterns. The analysis demonstrates that national court behavior is not limited to either supporting legal integration or defending national sovereignty. On the contrary, national courts frequently make choices that may alleviate parts of the inherent tension between national concerns and the EU legal obligations that member states must accept in order for the EU to function efficiently. Moreover, a case study of the Swedish judiciary shows that Swedish judges are not reasoning as expected by the dominant theoretical outlook in the judicial politics literature, meaning that they are not primarily guided by the logic of consequentialism and self-regarding considerations when making decisions in the preliminary ruling procedure. Instead, the judges’ mode of reasoning centers on what constitutes the appropriate course of action given their professional obligations and how their choices may impact the functioning of the preliminary ruling procedure. 

  • 7.
    Tralau, Johan
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Jansson, Jenny
    Vänbok till Jörgen Hermansson2018Bok (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 8.
    Pettersson, Johanna
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    What’s in a Line?: Making Sovereignty through Border Policy2018Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The role of borders as dividers between states and markers of territorial sovereignty is central to modern statehood. Whereas the voluntary opening of a state border could therefore appear puzzling, this thesis argues that state sovereignty can be manifested either when states allow borders to become more open or more closed. To understand the relation between borders and sovereignty, the empirical focus of this study is the opening of the border between Norway and Russia through the introduction of a local border traffic permit. The sovereignty ideas attached to this border policy are analysed at two different levels: the policy making discourse at the national level and the policy-receiving context at the local level in the municipality next to the border. The empirical study draws on written material – including parliamentary debate transcripts, policy documents, and printed press – to analyse how the border policy was represented in the Norwegian public discourse in the years leading up to its implementation in 2012. The study demonstrates that the opening of the border through local visa freedom was not associated with a loss of sovereignty. At the central level, the introduction of local visa freedom was seen as a means to strengthen the economy in the border region, and to increase exchanges across the border. The expectation is that by improving local cross-border relations, the policy will strengthen Norway’s relations with Russia by securing incentives for friendly bilateral relations. In the local discourse, the main theme concerned expectations on what this border policy would mean for the growth of the local economy. Because the policy is expected to strengthen Norway’s internal cohesion and improve bilateral relations with Russia, the border policy change is seen to reproduce (rather than weaken) Norway’s territorial sovereignty. This conclusion is based on the fact that different dimensions of sovereignty are seen as mutually reinforcing and that centre and periphery are in agreement about the benefits of a more open border. The thesis concludes that we should see policies towards borders as a way to manifest and reproduce state sovereignty.

  • 9.
    Ödalen, Jörgen
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Är filosofisk argumentation en tävling, en kamp, eller ett samarbete?2018Ingår i: Vänbok till Jörgen Hermansson / [ed] Johan Tralau, Jenny Jansson, Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2018Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 10.
    Vedung, Evert (Redaktör)
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutet för bostads- och urbanforskning (IBF).
    Petersson, Gustav Jakob (Redaktör)
    Vedung, Tage (Redaktör)
    Secession och diplomati: Unionsupplösningen 1905 speglad i korrespondens mellan UD,beskickningar och konsulat,2017Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 11.
    Johnsson, Magnus
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Strategic Colonels: The Discretion of Swedish Force Commanders in Afghanistan 2006–20132017Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation examines the role of military officers as policy implementers by investigating the discretion of Swedish force commanders in the multinational military campaign in Afghanistan between 2006 and 2013. By developing an analytical framework that takes both an outside-in and an inside-out perspective, and that encompasses both the objective implications that structural factors project on force commanders as well as their subjective perceptions of those structural factors, and applying that framework to a range of official documents as well as unique interview data, the thesis describes the discretion that force commanders have had in interpreting, choosing and shaping their mission and concept of operations.

    The findings show that Swedish force commanders in the Afghanistan campaign have had considerable discretion in interpreting and framing the principal’s overarching mission, the mission of their own force, as well as their force’s concept of operations. Their discretion can be understood as a combination of structurally induced freedom to make choices, the force commanders’ perceptions of that freedom and their inclination to use it.

    Circumstances regarding structural factors such as duality of command, passive authority of superiors, non-specific tasks and ambiguous implications of allocated resources has created this discretion and rendered force commanders disproportionately influential in the policy implementation process. Although this influence can be regarded as a manifestation of modern management ideals such as Auftragstaktik and mission command in the military, or management by objectives in government and business, it can also be regarded as a downwards passing of the buck where strategic implementation decisions trickle down to the level of force commanders in the field, making them “strategic colonels”.

  • 12.
    Martinek, Hanne
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mothers' Social Citizenship: The logics and effects of the German and Swedish welfare states2016Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent decades, the strong influence of the male breadwinner model of welfare is increasingly being replaced by the adult worker model all across Europe. This development has had a crucial influence on mothers’ social rights. To determine the current character of mothers’ social citizenship, the tax system, cash benefits and care-services provided to mothers with young children in Germany and Sweden are comparatively explored.

    Through the analysis of income from benefits of mothers with different labor market and marital status while they are on parental leave, the question how well the German and the Swedish welfare states protect mothers from poverty or financial dependence on a male breadwinner is examined. The analysis reveals that the social right structure of single mothers in the German and the Swedish welfare state are very similar today: While mothers with a stable connection to the labor market are well protected against poverty, those who mainly have to refer to means-tested benefits fall below the poverty line in both countries. For married mothers, the established characterization of Germany as a slowly changing supporter of the male breadwinner model and the Swedish welfare state as a supporter of individual social rights proves to be accurate. Mainly because of joint taxation, married mothers in Germany have a much higher risk of being financially dependent on their husbands than Swedish mothers.

    Analysis of the childcare sector and women’s integration into the labor market further shows that the Swedish welfare state still provides a more generous and inclusive protection to mothers overall. This protection is not due to more generous benefits, but a better integration of women in the labor market, which in turn leads to a much higher coverage rate of benefits based on work-performance.

    The results illustrate that to present a thorough picture of mothers’ social citizenship, it is crucial to analyze the interaction of different benefits, the tax system, the provision of care services, and women’s position in the labor market. Furthermore, I also stress the importance of measuring married mothers’ individual income in contrast to the​ ​commonly used household income in order to reach a realistic impression of their individual social rights.​

  • 13.
    Hultin Rosenberg, Jonas
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The All-Affected Principle and its Critics: A Study on Democratic Inclusion2016Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The problem of democratic inclusion, which concerns inclusion in and exclusion from the demos, has attracted significant scholarly attention in the last decade. The all-affected principle seeks to resolve this problem by maintaining that all those and only those who are affected should be included in the demos. But although this principle has often been regarded as a prima facie attractive solution, the literature also claims that it has been “proven” to be unreasonable. The present discussion examines this claim by undertaking a critical evaluation of the arguments upon which it is based – that the all-affected principle is incoherent, that it provides no solution because it presupposes that the problem has already been solved, that it is incompatible with political equality, that it renders a functioning democracy impossible because it either frequently changes the composition of the demos, or generates an overly inclusive demos, and that it challenges established practices of incompetence-based exclusion. Adherents of the all-affected principle must take these arguments seriously since they criticize the principle on its own terms. But insofar as the present study demonstrates that such arguments fail to reveal any generic flaw in the principle, they do not challenge the principle as such, but only certain versions of it. These include the most common version, which requires the inclusion of all those and only those who are both competent and better or worse off as an actual consequence of actual decisions taken by the democratic state. Also affected is the main alternative version, which requires the inclusion of all those and only those who are better or worse off as a possible consequence of a possible decision taken by the democratic state. In response, this thesis proposes a third version of the principle that requires the inclusion of all those and only those who are able to participate, and also better or worse off as a foreseeable consequence of a decision or non-decision that the democratic state has capacity and ability to take. This version avoids the arguments that have been brought against the all-affected principle without compromising that which makes it initially attractive.

  • 15.
    Nilsson, Niklas
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Beacon of Liberty: Role Conceptions, Crises and Stability in Georgia’s Foreign Policy, 2004–20122015Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    In 2004, Mikheil Saakashvili was elected president in Georgia, committing to a foreign policy that would ostensibly make his country a leading example of reform and democratization in the post-Soviet space, and a net-contributor to Euro-Atlantic security. Throughout its time in power and until its defeat in Georgia’s 2012 parliamentary elections, the Saakashvili government remained steadfast in its commitment to establishing these international roles for Georgia, despite developments in both the country’s international and domestic contexts that could plausibly have made these roles, and the foreign policy decisions deriving from them, redundant.

    This dissertation explores the relationship between national role conceptions (NRCs) and foreign policy stability. It demonstrates how Georgia’s NRCs as a Beacon of Liberty and a Net-Security Contributor, evolving specifically in the relationship between the Georgian and U.S. governments during these years, contributed to stability in Georgia’s foreign policy. Yet these NRCs were also subjected to serious challenges, particularly relating to two crises ensuing over the November 2007 riots in Tbilisi and the August 2008 war between Georgia and Russia. In both cases, the Georgian government was subjected to conflicting imperatives emanating from its own role conceptions, the expectations voiced by its U.S. counterparts, and the immediate demands of crisis decision making.

    Drawing on recent advances in foreign policy role theory and crisis management theory, two social mechanisms are developed, role location and role conflict management. Role location is a long-term process of interaction between the actor and significant others, resulting in a gradual harmonization of role expectations and intentions. Role conflict management instead represents the actor’s handling of potentially disruptive moments, raising questions about the credibility and legitimacy of existing NRCs in the eyes of others, and confronting the actor with choices regarding stability and change in existing NRCs.

    The framework is applied in an analysis of the Georgian government’s foreign policy vis-à-vis the U.S. in the years 2004-2012, with particular attention to the disruptive effects of the crises in 2007-2008, and the actions taken to address the resulting role conflicts. The analysis draws on unique first-hand material, including interviews with members of the Georgian and U.S. foreign policy elites, confidential diplomatic correspondence and official speeches, to uncover the processes by which the mechanisms of role location and role conflict management played out in Georgia’s foreign policy. The dissertation concludes that the stability in Georgia’s foreign policy stemmed from the fact that the two NRCs became deeply socially embedded in Georgia’s relations with the U.S. over time, but also from the Georgian government’s ability to adapt its NRCs in response to crises, the role expectations of significant others, and contextual change. 

  • 16.
    Turunen, Jaakko
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Södertörns högskola.
    Semiotics of Politics: Dialogicality of Parliamentary Talk2015Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Parliamentary talk, despite its central place in politics, has not been the focus of many qualitative studies. The present study investigates how parliamentary talk emerges in a dialogue between different arguments in the parliament. At the same time, this is a study of politics, of how human interaction gives birth to laws that regulate life in two contemporary democracies, Slovakia and Poland. It provides a close-reading of two political debates: on the state language in Slovakia and on gender parity in Poland.

    This study draws on hermeneutic and semiotic thinkers such as Gadamer, Bakhtin and Lotman to elaborate a dialogical understanding of language that can provide the basis for a method of textual analysis. The dialogical understanding of language emphasises that text and talk must be studied in the context of an interaction. The unit of analysis is a pair of utterances, a question and an answer. Until an utterance has been interpreted, it carries only the potential of meaning; its meaning is materialised by the responses it receives.

    The study further argues that conversation analysis and its tools can usefully be applied to the study of political debate. The method provides for the analysis of the dynamics between micro-scale interaction in the parliament and the macro-scale dynamics of culture. These dynamics assume two different forms that Lotman termed as “translation” and “explosion”.

    The study shows that parliamentary debate is characterised by a constantly evolving topic of discussion, namely that the meaning of the bill at the start of the debate and at the end of the debate are really two different bills. This is not because the content of the bill has undergone changes, but because in the course of the debate, the bill has generated new cultural connections. Casting a vote in support of the bill does not approve just the bill itself but a whole set of interconnected political, social and cultural values—what Lotman approached as the semiosphere. This study suggests Lotman’s cultural semiotics can provide for “imperfect hermeneutics” that is sensitive to the dynamic and contested nature of tradition in politics whilst acknowledging the inevitability of culture in mediating political talk. 

  • 17.
    Larsson, Oscar
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Governmentality of Meta-governance: Identifying Theoretical and Empirical Challenges of Network Governance in the Political Field of Security and Beyond2015Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Meta-governance recently emerged in the field of governance as a new approach which claims that its use enables modern states to overcome problems associated with network governance. This thesis shares the view that networks are an important feature of contemporary politics which must be taken seriously, but it also maintains that networks pose substantial analytical and political challenges. It proceeds to investigate the potential possibilities and problems associated with meta-governance on both theoretical and empirical levels.

    The theoretical discussion examines meta-governance in relation to governmentality, and it puts forward the claim that meta-governance may be understood as a specific type of neo-liberal governmentality. The meta-governance perspective regards networks as a complementary structure to traditional administration that can be utilized in the implementation and realization of public policy, but which also preserves the self-regulating and flexible character of networks. This generates a contradiction between the goals of public management and the character of networks that requires further investigation.

    The combination of the specific dynamics of the political field of security, the diminishing role of sovereign powers, the emergence of security networks, and the meta-governance stance adopted by the Swedish state constitutes a situation that should have been favorable for the successful employment of meta-governance. The empirical investigation of meta-governance is divided into two parts. The first part reviews the historical process involved and shows how the Swedish government and public authorities have adopted a meta-governance stance. The second analyzes the specific instruments and strategies that have been deployed in the governance of security communications and in the management of Sweden’s new security communications system which is an important aspect of security networks. The historical study together with the analysis of the meta-governance tools deployed reveals that the meta-governors neither reached the goals specified, nor fulfilled the overall purpose of successful security communications.

    I argue on the basis of the theoretical and empirical findings obtained in the present study that it is very difficult to successfully employ meta-governance in respect to security and crisis management, and that we have sound reasons to suspect that meta-governance will run into similar difficulties in other political fields as well. I conclude that meta-governance is a far more difficult practice than has been anticipated by existing theories and policy recommendations. Turning to meta-governance as a way to govern and control organizations may in fact lead to further fragmentation and distortion of public politics.

  • 18.
    Giandomenico, Jessica
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Transformative Power Challenged: EU Membership Conditionality in the Western Balkans Revisited2015Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The EU is assumed to have a strong top-down transformative power over the states applying for membership. But despite intensive research on the EU membership conditionality, the transformative power of the EU in itself has been left curiously understudied. This thesis seeks to change that, and suggests a model based on relational power to analyse and understand how the transformative power is seemingly weaker in the Western Balkans than in Central and Eastern Europe.

    This thesis shows that the transformative power of the EU is not static but changes over time, based on the relationship between the EU and the applicant states, rather than on power resources. This relationship is affected by a number of factors derived from both the EU itself and on factors in the applicant states. As the relationship changes over time, countries and even issues, the transformative power changes with it.

    The EU is caught in a path dependent like pattern, defined by both previous commitments and the built up foreign policy role as a normative power, and on the nature of the decision making procedures. This path dependent pattern prevents the EU from actively using its strongest tools when trying to influence and steer the applicant states regarding reforms and norm transfer, effectively weakening the transformative power.

    Evidence from elections in Albania and Macedonia show how the domestic electoral stakeholders actively can resist, and even prune, important norms and laws, on best electoral practice, a key feature for the democratic structures required for EU membership. It is also apparent how there are few domestic change agent strong enough to actively promote normative changes, leaving much of the work for the EU. The clientelistic structures of these countries are a key aspect in shaping interests and actions of the political elite. The result is that layers of old and new institutions are created, producing the mixed pattern of reforms observed all over the Western Balkans.

    By combining the findings at both the EU level and in the applicant states, this thesis makes both important empirical and theoretical contributions, challenging some core aspects of the Europeanisation literature. 

  • 19.
    Jonsson, Michael
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    A Farewell to Arms: Motivational Change and Divergence Inside FARC-EP 2002-20102014Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    How can motivational change and divergence inside a rebel group be explained and what does this imply for our understanding of civil wars? In contemporary research, these questions have received limited attention. In many studies, motives are either overlooked, inferred from a single type of motive indicator or assumed to be narrow, static over time and homogenous throughout the organization. But this leaves researchers largely unable to explain phenomena such as large-scale defections, intra-rebel factionalism and principal-agent problems inside insurgencies.

    Departing from this criticism, the study analyzes motivational change and divergence inside FARC-EP in 2002-2010, a period of decline during which more than 15 500 guerilla members defected from the guerilla. Four FARC fronts (the 16th, 21st, 47th and 48th) were selected for structured, focused comparison over time, based on the expectation that differing functions of these units should also result in motivational change within and divergence between them. The case-studies build on unique data, including 26 in-depth interviews and 694 survey-responses from these fronts, triangulated against a wide set of primary and secondary sources, including defection statistics.

    The study finds significant indications of motivational divergence between the four fronts, but only partially along the dimensions originally expected. Functions such as financing, recruitment and propaganda show limited evidence of influencing motives in the expected direction, whereas the intensive combat experienced by the 47th front is clearly associated with more security-motivated enrollment and forced recruitment. Together, increased counterinsurgency operations, internal paranoia and harsh punishments influenced combatants’ security perception, which was one of the strongest motives for defections from FARC, in spite of risks not having been widely considered at the time of enrollment. Beyond this, the role of mid-level commanders is found to be of fundamental importance for understanding motivational change and divergence. In the 16th front, change in the leadership resulted in unprecedented levels of defection and in the 21st, widespread corruption was justified by alleged leadership graft. Mid-level commanders influence motives through leadership by example, tactical skills and monitoring and enforcement of disciplinary codes. In conclusion, the study shows combatant motives to be susceptible to change and divergence even inside a hierarchically organized and disciplined insurgent group such as FARC.

  • 20.
    Ledberg, Sofia Knöchel
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Governing the Military: Professional Autonomy in the Chinese People's Liberation Army2014Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The reform process that has been underway in China the past 30 years has affected most parts of Chinese society. In regard to core branches of the civilian state administration, public administration research provides evidence of far-reaching decentralization, marketization, and a relaxation of direct political control within many policy areas. Despite the fact that the military in any Marxist-Leninist state is an indispensable part of the state administration, it is rarely included in research on the Chinese state administrations. In this dissertation, it is argued that the military is intrinsically linked to the overall political stability of the Chinese state not only because it constitutes one of the most central branches of the Chinese cadre administration, but also given its close connection to the ruling communist party. Hence it deserves greater research focus.

    The overarching focus of this study is political control and governance vis-à-vis the Chinese military. Contrary to previous studies that have approached the issue of control by investigating military infringement on civilian policy making, the analysis here illustrates that the structures and the underlying logic of control are better captured by a study of the professional autonomy of the Chinese military officer corps. Professional autonomy is investigated within the military education system, given that education is a central undertaking for any profession.

    By suggesting a new approach to the study of the relationship between the political entities of the state and the military, an approach which makes use of insights from both the political science subfield of public administration and the sociology of professions, this dissertation makes important theoretical and analytical contributions to the field of civil-military relations. Yet the usefulness of the actor-centered approach put forward here, which focuses on the autonomy of the profession within the organization, reaches beyond the immediate study of the military and can be used in any analysis of power relations between the political entities of the state and its administrations. This dissertation also contributes to increase the understanding of Chinese military education, which is one of the military’s most important peace time undertakings.

  • 21.
    Danielsson, Anna
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    On the Power of Informal Economies and the Informal Economies of Power: Rethinking Informality, Resilience and Violence in Kosovo2014Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Since the 1970s, the concept of “economic informality” has served as focal point for a comprehensive scholarly thinking and the development of policy initiatives enhanced by international organisations. Yet, informality displays a puzzling resilience. The problematique of this book concerns the lenses through which informality has been constituted, studied and acted upon as an empirical phenomenon. By developing a critical understanding of informality as object of study, the book uncovers the historical, scholarly and practitioner contexts in which contemporary conceptualisations of informality are constituted.

    The author argues that three dominant and conventional approaches to informality systematically fail to account for how the reasons behind people's participation in informal economic activities are constituted by an internal and hierarchically structured social order. To transcend the identified shortcomings of the established approaches, the book rethinks informality through a comprehensive power analysis and highlights the importance of hierarchy, covert violence and domination. A central assumption of this rethinking is that informality constitutes a social phenomenon that emerges and is expressed through social practices, which over time and across space have become institutionalised to the point that informality is considered commonsensical and unchangeable. By putting the reconceptualisation to use through the thinking of Pierre Bourdieu, the book performs an empirical analysis of the nexus between resilience, symbolic violence and informal economic practices in Kosovo from the late 1980s until 2011. Based on primary research material, the analysis offers a unique insight into informal dynamics and illuminates the workings of an intrinsic, circular, malleable and ambiguous system of domination that would otherwise remain hidden.

    By engaging the empirical, theoretical and meta-theoretical level at the same time, the book explores the twofold constitution of informality as a social phenomenon and brings to light a new understanding of the resilience of the informal. As such, the reconceptualisation forms a critical intervention into scholarly and practitioner discussions about informality. By revealing mechanisms of domination, the book offers an alternative and fruitful account of the socio-historical weave within which practices of informality in Kosovo crystallise. 

  • 22.
    Ljungkvist, Kristin
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Global City 2.0: An International Political Actor Beyond Economism?2014Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this thesis is to increase our understanding of the Global City’s pursuit of what can be regarded as independent foreign and security policies, despite the fact that such policies have traditionally been considered to be a core function of central governments. By studying how the Global City’s role in the globalized world is constructed in local public narratives as the local government develops and pursues specific international policies, the thesis argues, we can come closer to an understanding of what it means to be and to govern a Global City, and why its local government find it to be in the city’s interest to claim international political authority. A core claim is that Global City-hood as a specific type of collective identity can play a constitutive part in such interest formation.

    The study seeks to make three contributions, one of empirical nature and two of theoretical nature. The empirical contribution involves furthering our understanding of New York City’s local role conception as a Global City. This is also closely related to the first theoretical contribution whereby the case study of New York City as a most important case serves to develop our general understanding of what meanings are attached to contemporary Global City-hood from a local perspective. The second theoretical contribution involves outlining a new way of studying the Global City as international political actor by developing an interdisciplinary analytical framework combining insights from the Global Cities literature, studies on Urban Politics and International Relations respectively.

    The analysis shows that even as the Global City engages in issues such as global environmental governance or counterterrorism, such pursuit will be framed and rationalized in terms of the city’s economic growth. The quest for growth and global competitiveness are not necessarily the only available meanings attached to the being and governing of the contemporary Global City. However, there seems to be a remarkable persistency and attraction in economistic ideas and an economistic conception of the Global City.

  • 23.
    Norman, Ludvig
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    From Friends to Foes: Institutional Conflict and Supranational Influence in the European Union2013Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this thesis is to rethink the way we study supranational influence in the European Union. Through an in-depth engagement with the processes which led to two of the most controversial rulings of the European Court of Justice in the 2000s the thesis seeks to redefine the analytical tools we bring to the study of institutional conflict and supranational influence in the EU. In the first case, which arose in the field of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA), the European Commission convinced the Court that criminal sanctions should be made available as an implementation tool for Community legislation. In the second case, arising in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), the Court recognized a competence for the supranational development policy in the field of weapons proliferation in third countries. Thus, in spite of intense protests from the Council and the Member States, the Commission was able to bring two issues of principal importance from the intergovernmental areas of EU decision making in to the supranational framework of the EU. The thesis argues that the generally formulated assumptions regarding agents and institutions on which existing theories rely make them unable to make sense of the seemingly conflicting dynamics of the processes that led to these outcomes. The thesis contributes theoretically by developing an alternative analytical framework that is able to identify the previously unacknowledged social mechanisms that help explain why institutional conflict erupted and why the Court ruled in favour of the Commission in these cases; a framework which can be of relevance for EU studies and the study of international political orders more generally. The mechanisms identified also carry theoretical implications for sociological institutionalist and constructivist theorization of institutional change. Empirically the thesis contributes by supplying detailed insights in two defining moments in the development of the JHA and the CFSP.

  • 24.
    Helldahl, Per
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Challenge from Nationalism: Problems of Community in Democracy2013Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The dissertation examines the relationship between democracy and nationalism from a normative standpoint. A point of departure is the assumption that any democracy requires a referent community, or demos. Nationalism has, in practice, frequently provided democracies with this sense of community during the last two centuries. The author argues, firstly, that this connection has led to an entanglement of the concepts of democracy and nationalism, so that democrats tend to rely, often unknowingly, on the thought structures of nationalism as they seek to make explicit the identity of their respective communities. The mechanism by which this connection is upheld is demonstrated through two contextualized studies of discourse on common society-wide identity in, respectively, the contemporary United States of America and the contemporary Federal Republic of Germany. Secondly, it is argued (also on the basis of these contextualized studies) that the nationalist features which tend to ‘leak’ into the overarching, society-wide identities that are constructed in these debates contain an inherently exclusionary potential; however, this leakage is often glossed over by superficial anti-nationalism and phrases such as ‘civic nationalism’, which is contrasted with ‘ethnic nationalism’. Rather than hidden behind such rhetoric, the author argues, the nationalist thought structures that democrats tend to rely on should be brought into the light of day, so that the potentially destructive features of nationalism can be handled in the best way possible. Thirdly, it is claimed that deliberative models (such as that of Jürgen Habermas) are better suited than liberal nationalist models (such as that of David Miller) for this task.

  • 25.
    Björnehed, Emma
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Ideas in Conflict: The effect of frames in the Nepal conflict and peace process2012Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    In 1996 the state of Nepal was challenged by a Maoist insurgency, resulting in a decade-long civil war. During the course of the subsequent peace process the parliamentary parties found themselves agreeing to significant political changes, including a republican constitution. This study approaches the Nepal case on the assumption that the discursive aspect of social relations is one important factor in understanding how specific events unfold and why actors do one thing and not another.

    Two frames are investigated using frame analysis in terms of their representation of problem, cause and solution: a terrorism frame from the period of conflict and a peace frame from the period of conflict resolution. The terrorism frame is categorised as a negative frame and the peace frame as a positive frame. This overarching difference is found to have implications for the effects of the respective frames.

    In contrast to traditional frame analysis, which tends to focus on the success of a frame and the effects on a specific audience, this study investigates the effects of frames on the actors involved in the framing process in terms of their perceived manoeuvrability for action. This approach is formalised in a model of four types of logic of actor effects that is applied to the Nepal case. The analysis of frame effects is based on first-hand interviews with key actors, such as former prime ministers and top leaders of political parties and civil society. From this material, the study gives insight into how the two frames influenced the actors’ perceived manoeuvrability. This actor-centred approach shows that the frames affected the actors in both enabling and restrictive ways and thus influenced the outcome in Nepal. For example, it is shown that frames created during the conflict were considered a prerequisite for the legitimate use of military force. The study also shows the unintended effects of framing, captured in the model as the effect of self-entrapment, and highlights the coercive character of ideas in making actors perceive themselves as forced to take a certain action or position.

  • 26.
    Jansson, Jenny
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Manufacturing Consensus: The Making of the Swedish Reformist Working Class2012Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The 1910s were a precarious time for the labor movement. The Russian Revolution in 1917 sparked a trend towards radicalization among labor organizations and communist organizations spread all over Europe. These organizations challenged existing notions of the “worker,” causing an identity crisis in class organizations. Suddenly, there were not only workers, but different kinds of workers, promoting not only social democracy and syndicalism, but also communism. The labor movement became fragmented. This was very much the case in Sweden. However, despite the conflict situation during the interwar period, the Swedish workers were integrated into a strong cohesive labor movement, united under the banner of reformism which, in turn, paved the way for a strong social democracy.

    How was this possible? This study presents an explanation of why the Swedish working class so unanimously adopted reformism. Its thesis is that the leadership of the Trade Union Confederation (LO) was well aware of the identity problems the leftwing factions had created for the reformist unions. Because of this, the leadership decided to take actions.  As “identity entrepreneurs” the leaders re-formed the notion of the worker by constructing an organizational identity that downplayed class struggle and embraced discipline, peaceful solutions to labor market problems, and cooperation