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  • 1.
    Angstrom, Jan
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Introduction: Exploring the Utility of Armed Force in Modern Conflict2008Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies, ISSN 0959-2318, E-ISSN 1743-9558, Vol. 19, nr 3, s. 297-302Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 2.
    Angstrom, Jan
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Inviting the Leviathan: External Forces, War, and State-Building in Afghanistan2008Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies, ISSN 0959-2318, E-ISSN 1743-9558, Vol. 19, nr 3, s. 374-396Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 3.
    Egnell, Robert
    Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Between reluctance and necessity: The utility of military force in humanitarian and development operations2008Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies, ISSN 0959-2318, E-ISSN 1743-9558, Vol. 19, nr 3, s. 397-422Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The civil-military interface in peace support operations is changing due to increasingly overlapping tasks, increased military involvement in humanitarian activities, and increased integration of all involved actors, not least through various current strategic concepts. This article not only describes these trends, but also, more importantly, analyses certain consequences in terms of mission effectiveness. The focus of the analysis is the ideas of 'militarisation of humanitarian aid' and the reverse 'humanitarianisation of the military'. The main arguments of this contribution are that the assumptions of increased effectiveness stemming from civil-military integration cannot be taken for granted and that there are harmful consequences stemming from blurring the lines between civilian, humanitarian and military actors. There is, in other words, a need to better specify and explain the causal mechanisms that lead to effectiveness in complex peace support operations.

  • 4.
    Hultman, Lisa
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    COIN and Collateral Deaths: Patterns of Violence in Afghanistan, 2004-20092012Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies, ISSN 0959-2318, E-ISSN 1743-9558, Vol. 23, nr 2, s. 245-263Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Theories and counterinsurgency doctrines emphasize the importance ofavoiding civilian casualties. Yet,many operations produce large numbers of socalledcollateral civilian deaths. I present two competing arguments for whencollateral deaths occur. One the one hand, they could be the unintentional resultof offensives when trying to maintain force protection; on the other hand, theycould be the result of a deliberate choice of relying on indiscriminate violencewhen pressured on the battlefield. I use new data on violence in Afghanistan2004–2009, disaggregated by province and month, to examine what type ofbattlefield dynamics are more likely to produce high levels of collateral civiliancasualties. The results show that civilian casualties are particularly high aftercounterinsurgency forces suffer losses in combat.

  • 5.
    Höglund, Kristine
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Wennerström, Marcus
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    When the Going Gets Tough… Monitoring Missions and a Changing Conflict Environment in Sri Lanka, 2002–20082015Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies, ISSN 0959-2318, E-ISSN 1743-9558, Vol. 26, nr 5, s. 836-860Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article analyzes how the conflict environment in which a civilian monitoring mission is deployed influences the monitors' assessment of the operation. It draws on unique empirical material from the experience of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), deployed to oversee a ceasefire agreement in Sri Lanka 2002–2008. With material from a survey and in-depth interviews, experiences of the monitors are analyzed and changes over time are traced in relation to the monitors' assessment of the mandate and organizational set-up of the mission. The study points to the difficulty of monitoring missions to address escalation during an ongoing peace process. Its function is dependent on the goodwill of the parties. In essence, monitoring missions have the potential to strengthen peace when there is momentum in favor of progress, but when relations between the parties turn sour and the conflict escalates a civilian monitoring mission basically loses its potential. During the final stages of the war, which saw a very large number of civilian casualties, the war-torn areas were closed to international observers. Moreover, international pressure for a short-term ceasefire to alleviate the humanitarian situation was dismissed by the Sri Lankan government, which also saw the backing of several important actors, not the least China.

  • 6.
    Kaihko, Ilmari
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Sociologiska institutionen. Yale Univ, Dept Anthropol, New Haven, CT 06520 USA.
    The MODEL social structure of an armed group: from Liberian refugees to heroes of Cote d'Ivoire and liberators of the homeland2018Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies, ISSN 0959-2318, E-ISSN 1743-9558, Vol. 29, nr 4, s. 776-800Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL) through a revised Weberian framework that focuses on legitimacy and offers a thick description of the different phases of this armed group. The article argues that the key to fostering cohesion is the harmonization of the micro, meso, and macro levels. This proved a difficult undertaking for the MODEL. Not only did the MODEL lack material resources but it also relied on different and evolving kinds of legitimacy on these levels. With its sources of legitimacy exhausted after the war, the MODEL ceased to exist.

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  • 7.
    Karlborg, Lisa
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning. Department of Politics, New York University.
    International quest for local legitimacy in Afghanistan: A tower of Babel?2013Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies, ISSN 0959-2318, E-ISSN 1743-9558, Vol. 24, nr 2, s. 349-369Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    With continuing challenges facing the international presence in Afghanistan, the need to secure local legitimacy, or ‘winning heart and minds’ of the local population is gaining increasing foothold in contemporary policy-making and academic debate on international intervention. However, knowledge of how international actors in the field understand local legitimacy remains limited. The purpose of this article is to take a first cut at examining how the two leading actors of international intervention – the UN and NATO – frame the issue of local legitimacy in Afghanistan, and to evaluate the potential impact of these findings on the prospects of inter-organizational coordination in the field. Based on a qualitative comparative analysis of statements issued in UN SC Resolutions, SC Debates, and S-G Reports (2001–2011) and NATO Declarations and Opinions (2003–2011), the study finds that the UN and NATO frame the issue of local legitimacy in surprisingly similar ways. However, the framing appears problematic in terms of how it depicts the relationship between the international presence and the Afghan state and its people. To illustrate, both the UN and NATO tend to externalize the issue of local legitimacy by linking it to the strength of the Afghan state rather than to the quality and effectiveness of international assistance and furthermore do not explicitly recognize Afghan civilians to have any autonomous influence on the level of local legitimacy. Instead, civilians are only portrayed to affect the level of legitimacy indirectly as the victims of insurgent or coalition attacks. The results of the study thus indicate a lack of awareness and self-criticism within the international intervention apparatus towards the potential pitfalls of international assistance, and it signals a lack of attention paid to the agency of local Afghans, which stands the risk of jeopardizing prospects for international civil–military coordination with Afghan stakeholders.

  • 8.
    Käihkö, Ilmari
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning. Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership, Swedish National Defence College.
    ‘Taylor must go’ – the strategy of the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy2015Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies, ISSN 0959-2318, E-ISSN 1743-9558, Vol. 26, nr 2, s. 248-270Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In 1999, rebels rose to oppose the newly elected former warlord CharlesTaylor in Liberia. Motivated by a variety of reasons, the minimal commondenominator of these rebels, who assumed the name Liberians United forReconciliation and Democracy (LURD), was that Charles Taylor must leavethe country. The decentralized nature of LURD though stands out in theirstruggle, as they don’t fit the unitary actor assumed by literature on strategy,nor the alternative conception of decentralized forces fighting for purely localreasons. Understanding such aberrations as LURD is the first step to findingstrategies that can incorporate and manage them.

  • 9.
    Ruffa, Chiara
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Introduction: Coordinating actors in complex operations2013Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies, ISSN 0959-2318, E-ISSN 1743-9558, Vol. 24, nr 2, s. 206-210Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    International responses to conflicts and humanitarian emergencies have become more crowded. Not only do traditional actors intervene on a greater scale, such as non-governmental organizations and the military, but new actors such as Private Military Security Companies also play an increasingly important role. These actors often differ in their precise objective and the constituencies they are accountable to. Yet, the practices of these actors in operations are intertwined and many of their tasks overlap. Improved communication and coordination of these actors in complex operations can thus be expected to lead to strong increases in mission effectiveness. This Special Issue provides a conceptual platform to understand and explain under what conditions coordination among these actors occurs. The articles cluster around three themes. A first set focuses on who the actors involved are along a private vs public and military vs civilian divide; a second group of articles assesses experiences of coordination of different actors in the field; finally, a third looks at a plurality of elements that may trigger or hinder coordination.

  • 10.
    Ruffa, Chiara
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Dandeker, Christopher
    Department of War Studies, King’s College London, London.
    Vennesson, Pascal
    S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Nanyang, Singapore.
    Soldiers drawn into politics? The influence of tactics in civil–military relations2013Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies, ISSN 0959-2318, E-ISSN 1743-9558, Vol. 24, nr 2, s. 322-334Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The tactical level has become increasingly important in the conduct of contemporary complex military operations. Yet, the potential impact that this tactical level may have on domestic civil–military relations has been neglected. In this article, we focus on mechanisms by which low-level soldiers have acquired an increasing importance in tactical operations and we suggest that this may influence civil–military relations in the future. We argue that two phenomena deserve particular attention. These mechanisms are not new but they have had new effects by making it possible for soldiers to influence politics in sometimes unforeseen ways: the first is the strategic corporal and the second is the expansion of ancillary tasks. Our contribution lies at the interface between military sociology and security studies and seeks to show how the tactical level of warfare has become a fundamental context in which civil–military relations are enacted. Exploring these dynamics is fundamental to understanding under what conditions soldiers may interact with other actors in complex operations.

  • 11.
    van Baalen, Sebastian
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Terpstra, Niels
    Department of Political Science, Centre for International Conflict Analysis and Management, Radboud University, Nijmegen, The Netherlands.
    Behind enemy lines: State-insurgent cooperation on rebel governance in Côte d’Ivoire and Sri Lanka2023Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies, ISSN 0959-2318, E-ISSN 1743-9558, Vol. 34, nr 1, s. 221-246Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the conditions that foster state-insurgent cooperation in rebel governance. State-insurgent cooperation is puzzling because it can alienate hardliners, undermine the parties’ legitimacy, reveal sensitive information, and cause autonomy losses. We propose that conflict parties are more likely to discount these costs when they have overlapping civilian constituencies with high governance provision expectations. Analysing rebel governance in Côte d’Ivoire and Sri Lanka using original data, we find that civilian expectations prompt cooperation even when the parties appeal to separate constituencies. The article nuances existing theories of rebel governance and contributes new knowledge on state-insurgent interactions in civil war. 

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