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  • 151.
    Baez Ullberg, Susann
    et al.
    CRISMART ISSL Försvarshögskolan.
    Becker, Per
    Lunds universitet.
    Katastrofriskreducering: Ett mång­vetenskapligt forskningsfält och ett tvärsektoriellt politikområde2016In: Katastrofriskreducering: perspektiv, praktik, potential / [ed] Susann Baez Ullberg & Per Becker, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB , 2016, p. 23-58Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 152.
    Baez Ullberg, Susann
    et al.
    CRISMART Försvarshögskolan.
    Becker, PerLunds universitet.
    Katastrofriskreducering: perspektiv, praktik, potential2016Collection (editor) (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Varför bosätter sig människor på riskfyllda platser? Hur beter sig människor i en katastrof och vilken betydelse har religion, hushåll och försörjning för återhämtning? Lär vi oss av våra kriserfarenheter och vilken roll spelar motivation och kollektiva minnen för detta? Är kapacitetsutveckling, multisektoriell samverkan och övning en hållbar väg mot reducerad katastrofrisk? Dessa är några av de många frågor som denna bok besvarar. 

    Katastrofriskreducering är ett växande område, såväl politiskt som inom forskning och utbildning. Det handlar om att förstå de samhällsprocesser som skapar risk för katastrofer och som påverkar villkoren för organisationer och individer att hantera dem. Denna kunskap kan bidra till att minska exponering och sårbarhet för människor, egendom och miljö och utveckla samhällens, organisa­tioners och enskildas förmåga att reducera risker och hantera katastrofers konsekvenser, vad som på senare tid kallas resiliens. Katastrofriskreducering innehåller både teoretiska kapitel och empiriska fallstudier baserade på aktuell forskning om katastrofrisk­reducering.

    Boken ger läsaren en god översikt av detta mång­vetenskapliga kunskapsområde, genom att beskriva och problematisera centrala begrepp och perspektiv. Det här är en bok som vänder sig till såväl studenter och forskare som praktiskt verksamma beslutsfattare inom krisberedskap, humanitära insatser och riskhantering på myndigheter, i kommunal verksamhet och i icke-statliga organisationer.

  • 153.
    Bagok, Mihvan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Språk och lärande: En studie om andraspråkselevers inlärning2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Syftet med denna studie har varit att belysa hur elever med utländsk bakgrund upplever sina kunskaper inom det svenska språket och i så fall på vilket sätt de anser att dessa kunskaper påverkar deras möjligheter till inlärning. För att uppfylla syftet med undersökningen har jag valt att utgå från följande frågeställning:

     

    • Upplever elever med utländsk bakgrund att deras kunskaper i svenska språket påverkar deras möjligheter till inlärning? På vilket sätt i så fall?

    För att uppfylla uppsatsens syfte och söka svar på frågeställningen har studien utgått ifrån kvalitativa intervjuer med 10 elever på en gymnasieskola i Uppsala. Intervjuerna fokuserar således på elevernas egna upplevelser av sina kunskaper i svenska språket och sin förmåga till inlärning. Utifrån dessa elevers utsagor bygger jag min studie om deras kunskaper i svenska språket och inlärning. Intervjuerna är grunden för denna uppsats, men jag behandlar även tidigare forskning och teorier. Forskningen rör svenska som andraspråk, teorier om förstaspråk- och andraspråksinlärning, socio-kulturella teorier samt teorier om lärande m.m.

    Resultatet av intervjuerna i kombination med tidigare forskning och teorier tyder på att även om flerspråkighet i sig inte innebär ett hinder för lärande och utveckling möter den som kommer till ett nytt land stora språkliga utmaningar, inte minst inom skolan. Förmågan att lära sig ett nytt språk är ofta god hos barn som kommer till ett nytt land i 9-10 årsåldern, men denna kunskap blir ofta ytlig särskilt om barnen bor i ett mångkulturellt område. Empirin visar att elevers kunskaper i svenska språket påverkar deras utveckling och lärande på ett negativ sätt. Detta sker framförallt för att elever med utländsk bakgrund har svårt att förstå teoretiska begrepp. Något annat som påvisats utifrån undersökningen är att eleverna också uppfattar textskrivande och läsförståelse som svårt. Utöver detta resulterande empirin i att många av eleverna kände sig också övergivna av sina lärare och menade att de inte fick den hjälp och det stöd de behövde. Som hinder för lärande och utveckling tog eleverna också upp bristande motivation och koncentrationsförmåga.

     

     

  • 154. Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Antonina
    et al.
    Mårtensson, MoaUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.Oxelheim, LarsPersson, ThomasUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The EU's Role in Fighting Global Imbalances2015Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The EU’s Role in Fighting Global Imbalances looks at the role of the European Union in addressing some of the greatest challenges of our time: poverty, protectionism, climate change, and human trafficking. Contributions from ten leading scholars in the fields of economics, law, and political science provide in-depth analyses of three key dimensions of EU foreign policy, namely: the internal challenges facing the EU, as its 28 member countries struggle to coordinate their actions; the external challenges facing the EU on the global arena, in areas where global imbalances are particularly pervasive, and where measures taken by the Union can have an important impact; and the EU´s performance on the global arena, in the eyes of other key actors. Based on a broad and interdisciplinary understanding of the concept of global imbalances, this book argues that these challenges follow from pervasive global imbalances, which at root are economic, political, and legal in character.

    Contributions from ten leading scholars in the fields of economics, law, and political science provide in-depth analyses of three key dimensions of EU foreign policy, namely: the internal challenges facing the EU, as its 28 member countries struggle to coordinate their actions; the external challenges facing the EU on the global arena, in areas where global imbalances are particularly pervasive, and where measures taken by the Union can have an important impact; and the EU´s performance on the global arena, in the eyes of other key actors.

    This policy-oriented, interdisciplinary volume offers real insight into the European Union and its role in global affairs and will appeal to academics and policy-makers alike.

  • 155. Bakker, Bert N.
    et al.
    Hopmann, David Nicolas
    Persson, Mikael
    Personality traits and party identification over time2015In: European Journal of Political Research, ISSN 0304-4130, E-ISSN 1475-6765, Vol. 54, no 2, p. 197-215Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Why do some people stably identify with a party while others do not? This study tests whether and how the direction, stability and strength of party identification are associated with big five personality traits, using panel data from a representative sample of German citizens. First, the study confirms that personality traits are related to identification with different political parties. Second, it moves beyond previous research by showing that personality traits are related to the strength and variation in party identification over time. The implications of the study for the classical perspectives on party identification, as well as the personality and politics literature, are discussed.

  • 156. Balzacq, Thierry
    et al.
    Guzzini, Stefano
    Introduction: 'What kind of theory - if any - is securitization?'2015In: International Relations, ISSN 0047-1178, E-ISSN 1741-2862, Vol. 29, no 1, p. 97-102Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 157. Balzacq, Thierry
    et al.
    Guzzini, Stefano
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Williams, Michael
    Wæver, Ole
    Patomäki, Heikki
    What kind of theory – if any – is securitization?2015In: International Relations, ISSN 0047-1178, E-ISSN 1741-2862, Vol. 29, no 1, p. 96-136Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    One of the great appeals of securitization theory, and a major reason for its success, has been itsusefulness as a tool for empirical research: an analytic framework capable of practical application.However, the development of securitization has raised several criticisms, the most important ofwhich concern the nature of securitization theory. In fact, the appropriate methods, the researchpuzzles and type of evidence accepted all derive to a great extent from the kind of theory scholarsbequeath their faith to. This Forum addresses the following questions: What type of theory (ifany) is securitization? How many kinds of theories of securitization do we have? How can thedifferences between theories of securitization be drawn? What is the status of exceptionalismwithin securitization theories, and what difference does it make to their understandings of therelationship between security and politics? Finally, if securitization commands that leaders act nowbefore it is too late, what status has temporality therein? Is temporality enabling securitization toabsorb risk analysis or does it expose its inherent theoretical limits?

  • 158.
    Bara, Corinne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Incentives and Opportunities: A Complexity-oriented Explanation of Violent Ethnic Conflict2014In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 51, no 6, p. 696-710Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Existing research on the causes of violent ethnic conflict is characterized by an enduring debate on whether theseconflicts are the result of deeply felt grievances or the product of an opportunity structure in which rebellion isan attractive and/or viable option. This article argues that the question of whether incentive- or opportunity-based explanations of conflict have more explanatory power is fundamentally misguided, as conflict is more likelythe result of a complex interaction of both. The fact is, however, that there is little generalized knowledge about theseinteractions. This study aims to fill this gap and applies crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) in order toidentify constellations of risk factors that are conducive to ethnic conflict. The results demonstrate the explanatoryleverage gained by taking causal complexity in the form of risk patterns into account. It takes no more than fourdifferent configurations of a total of eight conditions to reliably explain almost two-thirds of all ethnic conflict onsetsbetween 1990 and 2009. Moreover, these four configurations are quasi-sufficient for onset, leading to conflictin 88% of all cases covered. The QCA model generated in this article also fares well in predicting conflictsin-sample and out-of-sample, with the in-sample predictions being more precise than those generated by a simplebinary logistic regression.

  • 159.
    Bara, Corinne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Legacies of Violence: Conflict-specific Capital and the Postconflict Diffusion of Civil War2017In: Journal of Conflict Resolution, ISSN 0022-0027, E-ISSN 1552-8766Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Civil wars have a tendency to spread across borders. In several instances of conflict diffusion, however, conflicts spread well after their cessation at home. Whereas existing diffusion research has not attached much importance to this observation, I argue that these conflicts are instances of a broader pattern of postconflict diffusion. Wars are particularly prone to spread after termination because the end of fighting generates a surplus of weapons, combatants, and rebel leaders whose fortunes are tied to the continuation of violence. Some of these resources circulate throughout the region via the small arms trade and through transnational rebel networks, making this a time at which it should be easier for nonstate groups in the neighborhood to build a capable rebel army. The results from two complementary statistical tests on global conflict data provide strong support for such a postconflict diffusion effect.

  • 160.
    Baral, Anna
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Department of Cultural Anthropology and Ethnology.
    Brisset-Foucault, Florence
    Les émeutes de septembre 2009 en Ouganda2010In: Politique Africaine, ISSN 0244-7827, E-ISSN 2264-5047, no 116, p. 165-184Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 161. Baran, Zeyno
    et al.
    Starr, S. Frederick
    Cornell, Svante
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of East European Studies. Programmet för Sidenvägstudier.
    Islamic Radicalism in Central Asia and the Caucasus: Implications for the EU2006Book (Other scientific)
  • 162.
    Barrling Hermansson, Katarina
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Exploring the Inner Life of the Party: A Framework for Analyzing Elite Party Culture2013In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 36, no 2, p. 177-199Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article presents a framework for analysing party-organisational culture, with a special focus on the elite level. The framework is based on an interpretation of Mary Douglas’ Grid/Group model, and is empirically supported by an extensive study of the seven party groups in the Swedish parliament. The model identifies two fundamental cultural dimensions: the level of submission by individual group members to the group as a collectivity; and the principle that dictates the distribution of status and prestige within the party (a distribution here correlating with views on knowledge). The study shows that the parties distribute themselves on the cultural map in ways that do not coincide in any straightforward way with other well-known variables of party politics, such as ideology, origin or size. The methodological innovations presented in this article pave the way for a new framework for analysing party politics in which hitherto neglected aspects of party organisation are highlighted.

  • 163.
    Barrling Hermansson, Katarina
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Partikulturer: Kollektiva självbilder och normer i Sveriges riksdag2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation addresses party-culture in political parties represented in the Swedish parliament. Party-culture is investigated by studying collective self-images and norms in Swedish parliamentary party-groups (PPG). The aim of this investigation is to contribute to understanding of the conditions under which parliamentary work is carried out. In order to expand our understanding of these conditions this dissertation looks beyond the formal processes by which party-groups deliver their political message and make decisions, and instead highlights the cultural aspects of these party organizations in the parliament.

    The method of analysis is qualitative and the material for the study consists of 53 interviews with members of parliament from all represented parties. The parties studied are thus the Social Democratic, Moderate, Liberal, Christian Democrats, Left, Centre, and Green. In addition, some participant observation for the 1998-2002 mandate period in used.

    The empirical investigation shows that party-culture is revealed via four basic themes: political ability, feelings of political responsibility, the importance social fellowship, and the party’s strength in relation to individual party members.

    The party’s culture based on the four themes noted above provides a theoretical structure for interpretation that combines an Aristotelian idea about basic knowledge types, sophia and phronesis, with cultural theorists Mary Douglas’ grid-group-analysis. Based on this interpretation method it is shown that party-cultures distinguish themselves from each other in a way that diverges from the left-right spectrum that dominates Swedish politics. At the same time as the parties demonstrate differences in party-culture, there are also some similarities between the parties, and these similarities suggest that the parties have adjusted themselves to a more general culture within the parliament, most visibly the focus on factual knowledge and a certain requirement for modesty from party members.

  • 164.
    Barrling, Katarina
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Hermansson, Jörgen
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Romantiskt bildningsideal eller krasst nyttotänkande - svenska studenters syn på den högre utbildningen2005In: Akademisk frihet i praktiken: En rapport om tillståndet i den högre utbildningen, Stockholm: Högskoleverket , 2005, p. 77-124Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 165.
    Baudou, Louise
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Internationell jordbrukspolitik på svensk mark: en idéanalys av debatten om CAP 2014-2020 i riksdagen och EU-nämnden2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 166.
    Baysal, Rezan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    En kvalitativ textanalys av Obama-administrationens politik i Syrienkonflikten2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 167.
    Beck, Leonie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Department of Theology.
    The Role of Personal Relationships in German-American Relations2014Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    For centuries, statesmen have engaged in personal encounters and correspondences with their political counterparts abroad and thereby exercised what can be called ‘personal diplomacy’ with the aim of influencing the other’s foreign policy. By tracing the use of this strategy in the history of the transatlantic relations between Germany and the United States of America from WWII to the present day, this research aims to analyze the applicability of the concept in this particular bilateral relationship and highlight the successes and failures of different statesmen’s attempts at exerting several types of power. To do so, Raven and French’s so-called ‘Power/Interaction Model of Interpersonal Influence’ is applied to the five case studies, which are the personal relationships between American presidents or secretaries of state and German chancellors or foreign ministers, namely Adenauer and Dulles, Ford and Kissinger, Kohl, Reagan and Bush Senior, Schröder and Bush Junior and Merkel and Obama. What transpires from the examination of their friendships or enmities is that personal relationships do indeed have an impact on statesmen’s political decisions in the German-American relationship, though, whether this influence has been essential or minor differs from case to case. Be that as it may, by presenting the numerous historical instances in which personal diplomacy can be said to have taken place and thereby demonstrating that there exists a trend, this thesis arrives at the verdict that personal diplomacy is a considerable factor in the two countries’ relations and one that demands attention if the scholarly discourse seeks to gain a full understanding of international political processes.

  • 168.
    Beckman, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The Impact of Ethnic Homogeneity on Voter Turnout in Sri Lanka: A study of voter turnout at district level2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Lipset and Rokkan argued along with their Social Cleavage Model in the 1960’s that ethnicity impacts voter turnout in ethnically divided societies. Lipset and Rokkan had found in their research that voter turnout is affected by a number of aspects such as ethnicity, religion, language, region etc. This has been further explored in later studies by such researchers as B. Geys and K. Hill, who each claim that different ethnic groups participate to different extent in elections. Geys have explicitly suggested that social cohesion increases group solidarity and “social pressure” and that communities with a high degree of socio-economic, racial or ethnic homogeneity will also have a higher political participation. Hill, on the other hand, has in his research found a negative correlative relationship between the concentration of an ethnic minority in an area or district and the voter turnout figures for the same area.

    This paper sets out to test whether Geys’ and Hill’s two theories can be said to hold true for the Sri Lankan context too; if the ethnic composition in a district might explain the highly varying voter turnout rates for the different districts in Sri Lanka. The way to try and prove or disapprove Geys’ and Hill’s theories is therefore to look at the ethnic composition of the districts in Sri Lanka and compare this with the voter turnout rates in a set of three distinguished periods in Sri Lankan history, in order to see whether there is any correlation and if there is any difference over time. The hypothesis assumed is therefore twofold: in ethnically homogeneous districts the voter turnout rate will be higher, while districts with a higher concentration of minority population will have depressed voter turnout figures.

    In my study I have found that there is a strong correlation between ethnic homogeneity of a district and the voter turnout figures for the same district. However, it is noteworthy that this holds true for districts mainly inhabited by the majority population in Sri Lanka, the Sinhalese, while the districts mainly inhabited by ethnic minorities, specifically the Tamils, have significantly low voter turnout figures. This indicates that the Sinhalese population tends to be more inclined to go to the polls on election day. However, the supposition that a higher concentration of an ethnic minority in a district will equivilate low turnout figures was not possible to establish due to variations in results for the years that I studied. In order to establish any such correlative relationship a larger study would need to be carried out.

    The results of this study would be of interest to scholars and practitioners alike and other parties interested in understanding voter mobilization in Sri Lanka.

     

     

     

     

     

  • 169.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The liberal state and the politics of virtue2000Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    A common belief, shared by liberals and anti-liberals alike, is that the liberalstate should not teach the citizen how to live. Similarly, it is frequently arguedthat liberal theory does not encompass a vision of the virtuous life. In otherwords, liberals and the liberal state are indifferent to the choices that thecitizen makes as long as he or she does no harm. In this work the basis of this belief is challenged.

    It is observed, firstly, that the liberal theory is not simply one of rejecting or accepting the notion of virtue. A widely accepted view seems to be that there are many virtues that the citizen should accept for instrumentalreasons only. This is the view accepted by John Rawls. To counter thisposition, the work of Ronald Dworkin is used to exemplify a different view:that virtues are appreciated not merely as means but also as part of a liberalideal of the good life.

    Despite these differences both Rawls and Dworkin agree, secondly, that the liberal state should be neutral on questions of virtue and the good life. The claim is that the liberal state should be neutral both in what is done and what is said but that it cannot be neutral in terms of consequences. However, it is argued here that the ideal of the ethically neutral state is not fully justified. Hence, the conclusion of this dissertation is both that virtues does have a place in liberal political thought, and that liberal arguments in defence of the neutral state are less conclusive than is frequently assumed. Liberal values of equality, individual rights, publicity and scepticism do not provide strong objections to the idea of the state as the guardian of virtue. In order to maintain the belief in the neutral state the liberal will consequently have to resort to faith rather than to rational reasoning.

  • 170.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet.
    Carbin, MariaStatsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet.Erman, EvaStatsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet.Gottardis, AndreasStatsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet.Mörkenstam, UlfStatsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet.Näsström, SofiaStatsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet.Reinikainen, JouniStatsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet.Wendt, MariaStatsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet.
    Texter i samtida politisk teori2009Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 171.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Olsson, Stefan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Wockelberg, Helena
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Demokratin och mordet på Anna Lind2003Report (Other academic)
  • 172.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Consolidating the Democratic Process: Parliamentary Elections in Kyrgyzstan2010In: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955, no oktoberArticle in journal (Other academic)
  • 173.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    "Everybody knows who will win": Presidential Election in Azerbaijan2013In: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    On October 9 presidential elections were held in Azerbaijan. As a result of the criticized 2009 amendment to the constitution the two-term limit for the presidency was removedand the incumbent, President Ilham Aliyev, could stand as candidate fora third time. Nobody was surprised when he won again. To the contrary it seemed the well-documented ‘political apathy’ of the Azerbaijani people had spread outside the country as well as.All through the election period foreign and national analysts alike were very careful to point out that everybody already knew who would win. This caution is of course a natural reactiontothe electoral authoritarianism that characterizes the Azerbaijani regime. Under electoral authoritarianism the state provides an ”illusion of multi-party democracy at the local and national levels while effectively stripping elections of efficacy. The result known in advance, elections can be held frequently”. Nevertheless,such an approach to the election is not only depressing; it also tends to relegate the efforts of the often very harshly critiqued democratic opposition in Azerbaijan. This time a coalition, the National Council for Democratic Forces (Milli Şura), managed to nominate one mutual candidate to represent the ‘oppositionists’, something that is basically unprecedented in this context. Sure, their efforts could be seen as too little too late and IlhamAliyev still won a landslide victory getting 85% of the votes. Nevertheless, short of a color revolution, the determination of the opposition forces did contribute to making this election as exciting as it getsunder electoral authoritarianism.

  • 174.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Introduction: Deconstructing the ‘Crossroads’2017In: 'Azerbaijani' and Beyond: Perspectives on the Construction of National Identity / [ed] Aliaga Mammedli, Ceyhun Mahmudlu, Adeline Braux, Berlin: Verlag Dr. Köster, 2017, p. 15-38Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In order to set the stage for the chapters that follow in the book this introduction is an attempt, of sorts, to deconstruct the famous ‘crossroads’ concept. This is done by a brief outline of certain themes re-occurring throughout the chapters of this book, and as such appear to be the building blocks of Azerbaijan’s ‘crossroad national identity.’ I discuss their dynamic character trying to show how they contribute to the complicated identity situation. It should be noted that even if these crossroad aspects, for the sake of simplicity, are presented under different headings the reality is, of course that they are more or less naturally intertwined, interlinked, and inter-dependent, all contributing to the complexity of identity formation. 

  • 175.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Introduction to the Special Section: Political Mobilization in Azerbaijan — The January 2013 Protests and Beyond2014In: Demokratizatsiya: Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, ISSN 1074-6846, Vol. 22, no 1, p. 2-14Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    A wave of public protests rocked Azerbaijan at the beginning of 2013. The first protest event of the year was inspired by the disputed death of a young conscript in the Azerbaijani army. While the official cause of death was heart attack, the family insisted he was beaten to death. The result was a fierce debate about the difficulties facing newly recruited soldiers and the conditions under which they serve. Some activists initiated a Facebook group and called for a demonstration in Baku on January 12. Twenty thousand people joined the group, an impressive number by Azerbaijani standards, given that support for anti-establishment manifestations can be dangerous. Later as many as 1,000 protesters, also a large number for Azerbaijan, joined the actual event in support of the dead soldiers’ family, demanding the defense minister's resignation. Just a week later shopkeepers at Baku's largest shopping mall, Bina, protested against increased rents. The demonstrators blocked a major highway and 5,000 shopkeepers kept their businesses closed in support of the protest. This was shortly followed by another spontaneous outbreak of dissent in Ismayili, 150 km northwest of Baku, where community members set fire to cars and buildings and called for the governor's resignation after a controversial car accident. Riot police finally managed to disperse the protesters, many of whom were injured and/or imprisoned. The harsh treatment brought about another rally in the capital in support of the Ismayili protesters. The outbreak of civic unrest in Ismayili can be seen as particularly important since it indicates discontent with the government, not only in Baku, but outside the capital as well.

  • 176.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan: Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Post-Soviet Azerbaijan is often portrayed as a very secular country. Thus the mobilization of mosque communities in the late 1990s and their conflictual relationship with the authorities came as a surprise. The main aim of the dissertation is to shed light on this mobilization, focusing on the Sunni Abu Bakr and the Shi’ite Juma mosque communities in Baku. On the premise that Islamic mobilization may be interpreted as a “social movement”, internal, contextual and interactional aspects of mobilization have been studied. The analysis is chiefly based on interviews conducted in Baku in 2004/2005 with Imams, worshippers, religious and secular authorities. The study finds that young people looking for new approaches to religion have been drawn to these communities, where they encounter an independent, educated, conscientious clergy and, indeed, a “new” religion. This “sovereign” Islam does not go down well with authorities who fear politicization of religion. The Soviet heritage has provided them with a view of religion as something that should not be publicly displayed and with the institutions to control religion. Another key feature whose impact on state policy towards religious organizations cannot be underestimated is the fear of imported radicalism. A look at Islamic mobilization in North Caucasus, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan reveals many similarities, yet one momentous difference is the harsher repression in these contexts, which decreases the chances of a non-radical mobilization. The thesis concludes that the role of the state in mobilization processes in non-democratic contexts is crucial but counterintuitive, as the regimes’ efforts to stop the mobilization of movements actually leads to its intensification. In Azerbaijan, official pressure brings community members closer together and strengthens their resolve, rather than putting an end to mobilization. It also puts a spotlight on these communities which lights up the way for others in search of something new.

  • 177.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan: Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 178.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Islamic opposition in Azerbaijan: Discursive conflicts and beyond2015In: Religion, Politics and Nation-Building in Post-Communist Countries / [ed] Greg Simons and David Westerlund, Farnham: Ashgate, 2015, p. 117-142Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In 2004 the Azerbaijani authorities decided to evict the Juma mosque community from the mosque in Baku’s old town where they had been conducting prayers since 1992; under the auspices they lacked the proper registration and the facilities were state property. As the community resisted eviction, police entered the mosque during prayertime, physically removed the worshippers and closed it down. Preceding this, the popular imam of the Juma Mosque had been arrested during a political demonstration and sentenced to a five year suspended sentence for violating Azerbaijani law by engaging politically despite being a religious leader. These episodes rendered a lot of attention at the time as they highlighted a conflict between a religious group and the state in Azerbaijan, a country generallydescribed as one of the more secular in the former Soviet Union. Almost 10 years after the Juma incidents the relationship between the Azerbaijani authorities and certain parts of the Islamic community is still tense and doesfrom time to time manifest itself in open controversies. In order to shed lighton how some Muslim groups in Azerbaijan became perceived as oppositional, this chapter focuses on colliding discourses that become societal and intensified as the authorities with all means try to control discursive as well as social practices.

  • 179.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Baltic and East European Graduate School, Södertörns högskola.
    Nya rörelser, gamla tankesätt och nationella problem: Muslimsk aktivism i postsovjetiska Azerbajdzjan2007In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 21, no 3, p. 275-299Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Azerbaijan, like other former Soviet republics, experienced something of a religious “boom” during glasnost and the first post-independence years as religion re-emerged in public life. By the late 1990s, however, the state, feeling threatened by imported religious movements, introduced various laws that sharply decreased the autonomy that religious organizations had  been enjoying. Certain Islamic communities that did not accept this renewed state monopoly on religion then gained a reputation of being “controversial” and found themselves in conflict with the secular and religious authorities. This situation made religion an issue in the political arena – something previously unheard of in Azerbaijan. This article examines this development by studying two Islamic communities of this type. These are affiliated with two mosques in Baku – the Shiite Juma and the Sunni Abu Bakr mosques – which are distinguished both by their increasing popularity in society and by their wish to distance themselves from “other” traditional mosques. The article concludes that even though various external influences are present, the development of Islamic activism in Azerbaijan seems related primarily to disappointment at how the political elite has handled the political, economical, social and moral situation in the country since independence. As long as this situation does not improve, a rise in the influence of such movements is only to be expected.

  • 180.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Oppositional Islam in Azerbaijan2012In: Caucasus Analytical Digest, no 44, p. 9-11Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The article explains how some mosque communities function as a political opposition in the authoritarian Azerbaijani context.

  • 181.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Södertörn U College/Stockholm University.
    Praying for change: Islamic opposition in Post-Soviet Azerbaijan2008In: EurOrient, no 28, p. 131-156Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Having over the years failed to deliver any substantial results, the Azerbaijani political opposition is by many observers considered to have lost the support of the general public. Furthermore, the decay of the secular opposition after the last election (2005) has caused observers to speculate on the risk of radical political Islam becoming the preferred alternative in Azerbaijan. However, most of the religious mobilization it is already possible to witness in Azerbaijan has very little to do with what we understand as ‘political Islam’ in for example a Middle Eastern context. Rather, these groups have a lot in common with other, not necessarily religious, social movements aiming to change various aspects of societal life

  • 182.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Södertörns högskola.
    Stat och religion i Centralasien2005In: Centralasien: Västturkestan : nationsbyggande under sovjetekologi och islamideologi? / [ed] Thomas Lundén, Stockholm: Svenska Sällskapet för Antropologi och Geografi , 2005, p. 121-142Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 183.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    "The Election Game:” Authoritarian Consolidation Processes in Belarus2017In: Democratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, Vol. 25, no 4, p. 381-405Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

     Elections without content are characteristic of electoral authoritarianism. This article illustrates how the “election game” featuring “elections for the sake of elections” can contribute to the consolidation of an authoritarian regime. It analyzes how Belarusian authorities’ “menu of manipulation” shaped both the discourse and “practice” of “politics” in favor of the current system. Using selective repression – targeting mainly those openly wanting to change the status quo, while allowing some controlled openness for individuals, as long as they refrain from “doing politics” – discouraged political activism and contributed to a negative perception of the “opposition” as a noisy sub-group of the population. Such developments reinforced a perception of organized politics in general, and elections in particular, as abstract, unattractive and irrelevant to most.

  • 184.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    To Participate or Not To Participate—That is the Question. Electoral Strategies of the Azerbaijani Opposition2015Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [en]

    Elections pose a dilemma for the democratic opposition in electoral authoritarian states. On the one hand, the election campaign is often their only opportunity to get sanctioned access to the public, on the other, through their participation in an election where the outcome is known beforehand they appear to support a democratic charade. This article focuses on the ways in which oppositional actors in Azerbaijan choose to tackle this predicament in relation to the recent parliamentary elections. The analysis and comparison of respective electoral strategies (boycott, campaigning, statements and monitoring) tell us about the roles elections, despite their predictable outcome, play in this type of context. Even though no one in the opposition is ‘in it to win it’ the Republican Alternative (REAL) movement stands out. Fully aware of their marginalization in society, as representatives of an extremely unpopular ‘opposition’, their electoral work focused on selling themselves to the public as ‘something new,’ which is, of course, easier said than done. Nevertheless, their approach and campaign could be interpreted as an attempt to actually convert this into practice.

  • 185.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Turkey and Azerbaijan: One Religion-Two States?2016In: Turkish-Azerbaijani Relations. One Nation-Two States? / [ed] Murad Ismayilov and Norman Graham, London and New York: Routledge, 2016, p. 127-149Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter is set to provide a more thorough understanding of what made ‘Turkish Islam’ the preferred choice for the political leaders of independent Azerbaijan as well as highlight and attempt to explain the fact that this amicable reception of Turkish religious representatives seems gradually to be coming to an end. It is argued that even though the religious aspect has never been the most significant in Turkish-Azerbaijani relations, the dynamics within the religious terrain underlying the interaction between the two states can be viewed as a function of the ‘politicization’ of the issue. Put differently, because the embrace of Turkish Islam on the elite level came as a political decision, transformation of and change in the political parameters underlying bilateral relations—both intra-state parameters within Turkey and Azerbaijan respectively and, to some extent, the nature of political dynamics between the latter two states—prompted change in the official status of Turkish Islam in Azerbaijan.

  • 186.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Val för att bevara status quo: elektoral autokrati och stabilitet i Azerbajdzjan2015In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 29, no 1, p. 5-31Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Electoral autocracies have become the world’s most common form of non-democratic rule. In hegemonic autocracies in particular, where the president, or his party, always wins by more than 70 percent of the vote, the electoral process comes across as mere window-dressing. Still, both the regime and the opposition take elections seriously. Why? What role do elections play? The article deals with this question while focusing on the Azerbaijani 2013 presidential election, and consists of three parts. The first is a theoretical introduction dedicated to electoral autocracies and authoritarian stability. The next summarizes the election, stressing its purpose for the opposition. The third part analyses whether and how the election contributed to strengthening the authoritarian regime. The study concludes that developments during and after the election year are an illustration of what in previous research is sometimes referred to as the politics of insecurity. Even though the opposition “lost”, the relative success of their campaign indicated that change might, after all, be possible. The regime, depending on regular multi-party elections for its democratic alibi, did not appreciate the uncertainty and tried to minimize it by using the “three pillars” on which authoritarian states’ stability can be said to rest: legitimacy, repression and cooptation.

  • 187.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Wahhabis, democrats and everything in between: The development of Islamic Activism in Post-Soviet Azerbaijan2008In: Ethno-Nationalism, Islam and the State in the Caucasus: Post-Soviet Disorder / [ed] Moshe Gammer, London: Routledge, 2008, 1, p. 194-211Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 188.
    Bedford, Sofie
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Souleimanov, Emil
    Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic .
    Islam im postsowjetischen Kaukasus Von Sunniten, Schiiten, Sufis und Salafisten2015In: Osteuropa: Zeitschrift für Gegenwartsfragen des Ostens, ISSN 0030-6428, Vol. 65, no 7-10, p. 71-92Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [de]

    Der Islam ist im Kaukasus in unterschiedlichen Formen verbreitet. Der Nordostkaukasus ist von sunnitischen Sufi-Bruderschaften geprägt. Dort betrachten Eliten und Laien die Religion als Quelle politischer Legitimität. Im Nordwestkaukasus ist der sunnitische Islam der hanafitischen Rechtsschule verbreitet. In Aserbaidschan dominiert die von der iranischen Safawiden-Dynastie verbreitete Zwölfer-Schia, und der Islam ist – wie auch im Nordwestkaukasus – weitgehend auf den Bereich der Spiritualität beschränkt. Doch auch dort stellen Salafisten die Autorität des offiziellen Islam in Frage.

  • 189.
    Bedford, Sofie
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Souleimanov, Emil Aslan
    Charles Univ Prague, Inst Int Studies, Fac Social Sci, Prague, Czech Republic.
    Under Construction and Highly Contested: Islam in the Post-Soviet Caucasus2016In: Third World Quarterly, ISSN 0143-6597, E-ISSN 1360-2241, Vol. 37, no 9, p. 1559-1580Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    While scholarship on Islam in the Caucasus has focused on the late Soviet religious revival – the rise of Salafi jihadism and religious radicalisation in the northern part of these strategic crossroads – no study to date has addressed the discursive struggle over the social functions of regional Islam. This article deconstructs these discourses in order to examine the very varying, and often conflicting, representations of Islam advocated by various actors across the region and within particular republics. The article highlights the contested functions of regional Islam against the background of a religious revival that is still a work in progress.

  • 190.
    Bedford, Sofie
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Vinatier, Laurent
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Resisting the Irresistible: ‘Failed Opposition’ in Azerbaijan and Belarus Revisited2018In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent literature on post-Soviet electoral revolutions in places where attempts at regime change through popular protest did not succeed, opposition groups are often simply regarded as ‘failed’. And yet, opposition actors exist and participate in the political life of their country. Building on the Belarusian and Azerbaijani cases, we argue that opposition actors are maintained in a ‘ghetto’, often virtual, tightly managed by the ruling authorities who exert monopolistic control over civic activities. Opposition actors adapt to the restricted conditions – accepting a certain level of dependency. They thus develop various tactics to engage with the outside, striving to reduce the ghetto walls. To this end this article proposes a typology of what we call oppositional ‘resistance models’: electoral, in the media, lobbying and through education. The models highlight what makes ‘opposition’ in authoritarian states and are a step towards a more comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon in this context.

  • 191.
    Bedford, Sofie
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Vinatier, Laurent
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Alieva, Leila
    Center for Strategic and International Studies, Baku, Azerbaijan.
    Gojayev, Vugar
    'Failed Opposition' Reconsidered: Dynamism and Changing Paradigms in Azerbaijan2016In: The Uppsala Yearbook of Eurasian Studies / [ed] Kaj Hobér, Anna Jonsson Cornell and Leonid Polishchuk, London: Wildy, Simmonds & Hill Publishing , 2016, 1, p. 104-122Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article we argue that repression and political manipulation do not eliminate opposition in authoritarian contexts but give it a dynamic and transformational character. However marginalized opposition parties are still, in some cases after twenty years or more, publicly requesting change, freedoms and liberties. Moreover, this pro-democracy work is continued by the next generation of activists. We will be using the case of Azerbaijan to highlight that even though the uncompromising attitude of the authoritarian institutions seem static, and unable to shake, the opposition against them is very dynamic. Despite being severely repressed ‘opposition’ is gradually becoming more diverse and sustainable, even though this is not at all visible on the political arena. The purpose of the article is to shed light on these new opposition dynamics in the context of the Azerbaijani 2013 presidential election. 

  • 192.
    Behtoui, Alireza
    et al.
    Linköpings universitet, Linköping, Sweden.
    Boréus, Kristina
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Neergaard, Anders
    Linköpings universitet, Linköping, Sweden.
    Yazdanpanah, Soheyla
    Linköpings universitet, Linköping, Sweden.
    Att verka för jämlika arbetsplatser: En studie av jämlikhet och ojämlikhet mellan anställda i äldrevården2017Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Populärvetenskaplig rapport från ett projekt om ojämlikhet mellan kvinnliga och manliga anställda och mellan anställda från olika delar av världen i svensk äldrevård samt förslag till förbättrad jämlikhet på arbetsplatserna.

  • 193.
    Bellgran, Jenny
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Delningsekonomi ur ett hållbarhetsperspektiv: Analys av hur de delningsekonomiska organisationerna Uber och Bilpoolarna uppfyller Elinor Ostroms principer för samarbete över allmänna resurser2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines whether two sharing economy organisations, Uber and Bilpoolarna, can be characterized by Elinor Ostrom’s principles for cooperation of common goods or not. The idea for the research question came from the global difficulties with the decision-making regarding the climate issue and Elinor Ostroms studies about the possibility to create sustainable cooperations regarding the distribution of common goods. If cooperation is possible, we might be able to together develop the climate actions in the right direction and make sustainable distributions of resources we have despite missing actions on a global level. The current growth of the sharing economy could be a sign of that possibility.

    The final result is that the association Bilpoolarna fulfills all principles more or less while Uber fails to fulfill principle 3, 5 and 6, and only to a small extent fulfills the remaining principles. The result indicates that Ostrom’s principles of cooperation not only characterizes common, non-excludable goods such as water and land, but also can extend its principles to the distribution of modern resources, such as the cars of Bilpoolarna – as long as the cooperation is voluntary and on a local level.

  • 194.
    Belmhamdi, Dounya
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Betydelsen av den feministiska kvinnorörelsen: En studie av processen bakom reformerandet av Marockos familjelagstiftning2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 195.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Adjustment, resistance, or system shift?: The Swedish housing regime at the crossroads2016Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 196.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Allmännyttan och bostadspolitiken i går, i dag och i morgon: institutionella förutsättningar i förändring2015Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 197.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Allmännyttan och bostadspolitiken i går, i dag och i morgon: institutionella förutsättningar i förändring2015In: Nyttan med allmännyttan / [ed] Tapio Salonen, Stockholm: Liber , 2015, p. 25-47Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 198.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Allmännyttans kris – myt eller verklighet: De allmännyttiga bostadsföretagens ekonomiska utveckling 1971–19871989Book (Refereed)
  • 199.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Allmännyttigt bostadsföretag (Municipal Housing Company)2000In: Nationalencyklopedin MultimediaArticle in journal (Other academic)
  • 200.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Between Structure and Thatcher: Towards a Research Agenda for Theory-Informed Actor-Related Analysis of Housing Politics2015In: Housing Studies, ISSN 0267-3037, E-ISSN 1466-1810, Vol. 30, no 5, p. 677-693Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Researchers in the field of housing studies only seldom employ a ‘politics perspective’, analysing the political games and processes of housing provision and the political institutions of relevance to these processes. Instead political aspects are largely discussed either in terms of structural and cultural conditions and constraints on the macro level (‘Structure’ in the title), or as rather descriptive narratives about specific governments, elite actors and institutions, without the theoretical linkage necessary to draw more general conclusions (‘Thatcher’ in the title). This article introduces and develops some basic theoretical elements of a research agenda within housing studies exploring political actors (in a wide sense) and institutions, and allowing middle-range theorising and generalisation. It is discussed how such a perspective can be applied to the field of housing with its political specificities, in particular the central role of markets. Some earlier research of relevance to housing politics is reviewed, and ways forward are suggested.

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