uu.seUppsala University Publications
Change search
Refine search result
2345678 201 - 250 of 2022
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf
Rows per page
  • 5
  • 10
  • 20
  • 50
  • 100
  • 250
Sort
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
Select
The maximal number of hits you can export is 250. When you want to export more records please use the Create feeds function.
  • 201.
    Badani Zuleta, Paola
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Female political empowerment in peacebuilding2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Recently, during the past decades, the important role played by women in the maintenance and building of peace (in the study defined as the absence of violence) through formal and informal leadership has been highlighted. This is a role that has been recognised by international conventions such as UN Resolution 1325 and also been featured in previous scholarship. As such, female political empowerment in peacebuilding has yielded interesting observations regarding the prospect towards a reduction of intra-state violence levels. Thus, this constitutes a correlation that was quantitatively analysed in the present thesis through a regression analysis using a log-liner model. The regression analysis was guided by the research question of whether an increase in female political empowerment (independent variable) results in a decrease of intra-state violence levels (dependent variable) or not. Furthermore, the tested hypothesis stated that countries featuring higher levels of female political empowerment will feature lower levels of intra-state violence. The undertaken study and analysis reject the null hypothesis (that no correlation nor relationship between female political empowerment and levels of intra-state violence exist) by concluding that female political empowerment is negatively correlated in a statistically significant way with levels of intra-state violence. Three further independent variables were tested and controlled for as well: GDP per capita, level of primary education and democracy; the result of which stated that female political empowerment holds the stronger relationship and correlation vis-à-vis levels of intra-state violence.

  • 202.
    Baev, Pavel K.
    et al.
    Peace Research Institute Oslo, Oslo, Norway.
    Tønnesson, Stein
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research. Peace Research Institute Oslo, Oslo, Norway.
    The Troubled Russia-China Partnership as a Challenge to the East Asian Peace2017In: Fudan Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, ISSN 1674-0750, Vol. 10, no 2, p. 209-225Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    With the annexation of the Crimea and the engagement in confrontation with the West, Russia has embarked on a course of making the military force into a useful instrument of policy. Moscow has effectively sacrificed the goals of modernization and development for the sake of geopolitical ambitions. The question about the price of Russia's revisionist enterprise is relevant for many states that are not satisfied with the unfair and often discriminating rules of the world order, first of all China. Russia hopes to inspire other states dissatisfied with the "unipolar'' world order to challenge the West more boldly, but the result of its assault on the principles of nonintervention and territorial integrity might work in the opposite way. The states of East Asia could take a good measure of the risk inherent to embarking on the course of projecting power at the expense of modernization and become even more committed than before to upholding their unique prosperity-producing peace. China has a vested interest in Russian internal stability and must be worried by the prospect of a post-Putin crisis.

  • 203.
    Bara, Corinne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Incentives and Opportunities: A Complexity-oriented Explanation of Violent Ethnic Conflict2014In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 51, no 6, p. 696-710Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Existing research on the causes of violent ethnic conflict is characterized by an enduring debate on whether theseconflicts are the result of deeply felt grievances or the product of an opportunity structure in which rebellion isan attractive and/or viable option. This article argues that the question of whether incentive- or opportunity-based explanations of conflict have more explanatory power is fundamentally misguided, as conflict is more likelythe result of a complex interaction of both. The fact is, however, that there is little generalized knowledge about theseinteractions. This study aims to fill this gap and applies crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) in order toidentify constellations of risk factors that are conducive to ethnic conflict. The results demonstrate the explanatoryleverage gained by taking causal complexity in the form of risk patterns into account. It takes no more than fourdifferent configurations of a total of eight conditions to reliably explain almost two-thirds of all ethnic conflict onsetsbetween 1990 and 2009. Moreover, these four configurations are quasi-sufficient for onset, leading to conflictin 88% of all cases covered. The QCA model generated in this article also fares well in predicting conflictsin-sample and out-of-sample, with the in-sample predictions being more precise than those generated by a simplebinary logistic regression.

  • 204.
    Bara, Corinne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Legacies of Violence: Conflict-specific Capital and the Postconflict Diffusion of Civil War2018In: Journal of Conflict Resolution, ISSN 0022-0027, E-ISSN 1552-8766, Vol. 62, no 9, p. 1991-2016Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Civil wars have a tendency to spread across borders. In several instances of conflict diffusion, however, conflicts spread well after their cessation at home. Whereas existing diffusion research has not attached much importance to this observation, I argue that these conflicts are instances of a broader pattern of postconflict diffusion. Wars are particularly prone to spread after termination because the end of fighting generates a surplus of weapons, combatants, and rebel leaders whose fortunes are tied to the continuation of violence. Some of these resources circulate throughout the region via the small arms trade and through transnational rebel networks, making this a time at which it should be easier for nonstate groups in the neighborhood to build a capable rebel army. The results from two complementary statistical tests on global conflict data provide strong support for such a postconflict diffusion effect.

  • 205. Baser, Bahar
    et al.
    Swain, Ashok
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Diaspora Design versus Homeland Realities: Case Study of Armenian Diaspora2009In: Caucasian Review of International Affairs, ISSN 1865-6773, E-ISSN 1865-6773, Vol. 3, no 1, p. 45-62Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 206.
    Baser, Bahar
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Swain, Ashok
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Diasporas as Peacemakers: Third Party Mediation in Homeland Conflicts2008In: International Journal on World Peace, ISSN 0742-3640, E-ISSN 2328-2851, Vol. 25, no 3, p. 7-28Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 207.
    Baumann, Jonas
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Nilsson, Marcus
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Themnér, Lotta
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Wallensteen, Peter
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Organized violence in the Horn of Africa2012In: SIPRI Yearbook 2012: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012, p. 57-64Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 208.
    Bell, Richard
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The quality of governance peace: Governance perceptions and sustaining peace2018Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Quality of Government (QoG) peace is a concept gaining some traction alongside more known concepts such as the democratic peace, or liberal (capitalist) peace or the globalist/modernist peace. This study aims to uncover how perceptions of governance quality uncover variation in the number of violent and nonviolent collective and interpersonal events at the sub-national level in Nepal. National survey data is used to operationalise the mechanisms for quality of governance perceptions which are then aggregated at District level. In-country elite level interviews were also completed in order to trace the process in the causal mechanism and control for reverse causality. Results point to a strong negative effect between perceptions of governance quality and the number of events occurring. There was not, however, any causal relationship established between perceptions of governance quality and the ratio of violent to non-violent events. Instead, interviewees related the resort to violence as coming about more strongly from a committed leadership of protest movements (or lack thereof) and moves by the State to instigate violence through repressive tactics against protest events.

  • 209.
    Bergsten, Daniela
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The Illusive Distinction of Cyberwar and Cyberattacks: Exploring the Targeting of Cyberattacks in Armed Conflict2018Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Since previous research has predicted the emergence of cyberwar distinctly from cyberattacks, the targets of cyberattacks in armed conflict should presumably differ from the targets of cyberattacks in the absence of armed conflict. This thesis therefore poses the research question: how does armed conflict affect the targeting of cyberattacks? Hypothesizing that state actors are more likely to target military computer networks in armed conflict than in the absence of armed conflict, a cross-case comparison is performed through a qualitative case study to test this claim. Two cases of armed conflict, Georgia in 2008 and Ukraine in 2015 are compared against two cases in the absence of armed conflict, Estonia in 2007 and Stuxnet in 2010 following the method of structured focus comparison. The findings show that in all four cases, the cyberattacks, disregarding whether armed conflict was present or not, the targets were civilian computer networks of two types: the overall electronic infrastructure which affected media and communications as we all government and financial services, or critical infrastructure. The findings therefore indicate that cyberattacks and their targets are equal in armed conflict and in the absence of it, thus cyberattacks should be understood as a means of influence. 

  • 210.
    Bergsten, Lisa
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Violence against LGBTIQ+ Individuals in the Syrian Arab Republic2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This bachelor thesis is a qualitative, small-n, empirically driven comparative study that examines the relationship between rebel group ideology and targeted violence against the LGBTIQ+ community. Two rebel groups in the Syrian Arab Republic, with different ideological beliefs, are examined and compared in relation to their level of violence against LGBTIQ+ individuals. Findings in this study suggest that religious groups are keener to use extreme violence against sexual minorities, and to target them explicitly, but further studies are needed to fully understand this targeting of sexual minorities in armed conflicts.

  • 211.
    Biverstedt, Lola
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Return Of An Empire Or Strike Of A Rogue?: Russia Proceeds With Tactical Nuclear Weapons2016Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The current political fraction between Russia and the West has led to the breakdown of the cooperative post-Cold War security order. Russia’s dramatic reliance on its tactical nuclear weapons arsenal is of concern for how Moscow might shape its foreign policy. Based on the gap in the existing literature on the role of Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNW) and regional influence, this paper aims to examine the role of TNWs for Russia’s regional influence by answering the following research question: What changes in the nuclear doctrines, with regards to TNWs, contribute to a nuclear state’s increased regional influence?

    This thesis uses the theoretical frame of Coercive Diplomacy, with focus on compellence, which provides an alternative explanation to one state’s behavior against another in the pursuit of influence. In order to test the hypothesis, offensive changes in the doctrines, with regard to TNWs, contribute to a nuclear state’s likelihood of increasing its regional influence, this qualitative study examines the cases of Georgia and Armenia. The implementation of the analytical framework on the empirical material occurs through the method of structured focused comparison. The findings indicate that despite Russia’s engagement in compellence against Georgia and Armenia, the cases show very different outcomes. 

  • 212.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gender, Informal Institutions and Political Recruitment: Explaining Male Dominance in Parliamentary Representation2015 (ed. 2)Book (Refereed)
  • 213.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The development of a field: gender, politics and Joni Lovenduski2015In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, Vol. 14, no 3, p. 361-363Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 214.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Honor and Political Violence: Micro-level findings from a Survey in Thailand2017In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 54, no 6, p. 748-761Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Who participates in political violence? In this study, we investigate the issue at the micro-level, comparing individuals who have used violence in political uprising with those who have not. We develop our argument from the observation that men are strongly overrepresented in political violence, although most men do not participate. Literature on masculinities emphasizes the role of honor and its links to different forms of violence, such as domestic abuse, criminal violence, and violent attitudes. Building on this literature, we discern two separate but related aspects of honor: honor as male societal privilege and control over female sexuality, i.e., patriarchal values, and honor as ideals of masculine toughness, i.e., the perceived necessity for men to be fierce and respond to affronts with violence or threats of violence in order to preserve status. We argue that patriarchal values combined with ideals of masculine toughness together constitute honor ideology, which contributes in turn to the explanation of who participates in political violence. We present new and unique individual-level survey data on these issues, collected in Thailand. We find that honor ideology strongly and robustly predicts a higher likelihood of participating in political violence among male political activists. A number of previous studies find a macro-level relationship between gender equality and peacefulness in a society. This study provides evidence for one micro-level mechanism linking gender equality and political violence at the macro-level. Based on these results, we conclude that honor ideology endorsement is a driver of violence in political conflicts.

  • 215.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Violent Boyhoods, Masculine Honor Ideology, and Political Violence: Survey Findings From Thailand2019In: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, ISSN 0886-2605, E-ISSN 1552-6518, p. 1-25Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Throughout history, those who have participated in political violence have predominantly been male young adults. At the same time, we know that most young men will not use violence for political protest. So what distinguishes those who do from those who do not? In this article, we link psychological research on the intergenerational effects of violence in the family to violence in the political arena. We ask to what extent experiences of violence as a child are associated with participation in political violence as an adult. Our overarching argument is that family-of-origin violence may not only have serious negative, intergenerational effects on health and well-being but also on future spirals of violence for the individual. Family-of-origin violence may also lead to an increased risk of using violence for political purposes due to the diffusion of violence norms, whereby violence is seen as a just and appropriate response to conflict. We test this claim using micro-level data from the Survey on Gender, Politics, and Violence in Thailand, conducted in 2012-2013. For our analyses, we zoom in on men from a specific cluster sample of the survey: 200 political activist interviewees—100 Red Shirts and 100 Yellow Shirts. The results support our claim. We find that experiences of family violence as a child increase the risk of participating in political violence as an adult among male political activists in Thailand. Our study suggests one imperative policy implication: Violence prevention measures at the individual level—against corporal punishment of children or violence against women—may have critical implications also for decreasing the risk for and prevalence of political violence and armed conflict in society.

  • 216.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gender and Conflict in East Asia2017In: Routledge Handbook of Asia in World Politics / [ed] Teh-Kuang Chang, Angelin Chang, New York, NY: Routledge, 2017, p. 216-226Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 217.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gender and Conflict in East Asia2018In: Routledge Handbook of Asia in World Politics / [ed] Teh-Kuang Chang and Angelin Chang, Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2018Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 218.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Pacific Men: how the feminist gap explains hostility2017In: The Pacific Review, ISSN 0951-2748, E-ISSN 1470-1332, Vol. 30, no 4, p. 478-493Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The gender gap in attitudes to foreign policy is well established in public opinion literature. Studies have repeatedly reported that women tend to be more peacefuland less militaristic than men. This article reexamines attitudes of individuals inrelation to foreign policy and pits the gender gap against the largely forgotten feminist gap. We argue that the individual-level relationship between gender equality attitudes on the one hand, and tolerance and benevolence on the other, is underresearched,but also that key contributions about the effects of feminism have beenmostly ignored in research on the gender gap in public opinion. We return to the notion of a causal relationship between gender equality attitudes, and peaceful attitudes, and of a feminist gap that also exists among men. In a series of novel empirical tests, we demonstrate that attitudes to gender equality, not biological sex, explain attitudes towards other nationalities and religious groups. Using individual level survey data from five countries around the Pacific: China, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, and the United States of America, we show that both men and women who reject gender equality are much more hostile both to other nations and to minorities in their own country.

  • 219.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Revisiting Representation: Communism, Women in Politics, and the Decline of Armed Conflict in East Asia2013In: International Interactions, ISSN 0305-0629, E-ISSN 1547-7444, Vol. 39, no 4, p. 558-574Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This research note evaluates one of the commonly used measurements for political gender equality: representation of women in parliaments. It demonstrates that caution is called for when interpreting results where this variable is used, because parliamentary representation implies different things in different settings. Societies with more women in parliament tend to have fewer intrastate armed conflicts. We investigate this statistical association with a particular focus on East Asia. This region has seen a shift from extremely intense warfare to low levels of battle deaths at roughly the same time as great strides have been made in the representation of women in parliaments. This research note shows, however, that this statistical association is driven by authoritarian communist regimes promoting gender equality as a part of communist ideology, and these countries’ representative chambers have little influence over politics. Using statistical tests and empirical illustrations from East Asia, the note concludes that the political representation of women is an invalid indicator of political gender equality in East Asia. There is thus a need for nuance in assessing the picture painted in earlier research. In addition, the suggestion that more women in parliament will lead to fewer armed conflicts runs the risk of being forwarded as an oversimplified solution to a complex problem, and we briefly discuss the instrumentalization of gender equality in peace and security studies.

  • 220.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Thailand's Missing Democrats: Reds, Yellows, and the Silent Majority2014In: Foreign Affairs, ISSN 0015-7120, no 22 MayArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 221.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Women’s participation and peace?: The decline of armed conflict in East Asia2015In: Gender, Peace and Security: Implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1325 / [ed] Louise Olsson, Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2015, p. 19-36Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 222. Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Melander, Erik
    Bardall, Gabrielle
    Brounéus, Karen
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Johansson, Karin
    Muvumba Sellström, Angela
    Olsson, Louise
    Gender, Peace, and Armed Conflict2015In: SIPRI Yearbook 2015: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security / [ed] SIPRI, Stockholm: SIPRI , 2015Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 223.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Bardall, Gabrielle
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Johansson, Karin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Muvumba Sellström, Angela
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Olsson, Louise
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gender, peace and armed conflict2015In: SIPRI Yearbook 2015: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security / [ed] Ian Davis, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015, p. 101-109Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 224.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Gender Research. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research. Uppsala Univ, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Murray, Rainbow
    Queen Mary Univ London, London, England.
    Critical Perspectives on Men and Masculinities in Politics: Introduction2018In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 14, no 2, p. 264-265Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 225.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Murray, Rainbow
    Queen Mary Univ London, Polit, London, England.
    Revisiting Forms of Representation by Critically Examining Men2018In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 14, no 2, p. 265-270Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Research on gender and politics has made use of Pitkin's (1967) distinction between descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation to conceptualize and understand the different facets of women's underrepresentation and misrepresentation. The corresponding overrepresentation of men has seldom been explicitly recognized in this literature. We explore what the critical study of men and masculinities could contribute to the study of different forms of representation. Researching the descriptive overrepresentation of men implies recognizing male dominance and turning our attention from the factors that constrain women from entering politics to the factors that enable and reproduce men's presence. Researching the substantive representation of men also implies investigating how men represent men and identifying whether hegemonic masculinities privilege the representation of some men while neglecting others. Finally, a study of the symbolic representation of men implies identifying and describing the masculine signals and symbols that permeate political life but remain largely invisible because they constitute the political norm. Naming them as “masculine” will facilitate a gendered analysis of political institutions, practices, and discourses that are seldom questioned. We also consider the symbolic representation of men who do not conform to hegemonic masculine ideals and are not represented descriptively.

  • 226.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Gender Research. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research. Uppsala Univ, Polit Sci, Uppsala, Sweden;Uppsala Univ, Dev Studies, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Murray, Rainbow
    Queen Mary Univ London, Polit, London, England.
    Revisiting Forms of Representation by Critically Examining Men2018In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 14, no 2, p. 265-270Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 227.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Tønnesson, Stein
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Why So Much Conflict in Thailand?2015In: Thammasat Review, ISSN 0859-5747, Vol. 18, no 1, p. 132-161Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Thailand has since 2004 formed an exception to the general peace trend in East Asia. An insurgency in its deep south has cost several thousand lives. Thailand has also engaged in a deadly border conflict with Cambodia and there have been violent incidents in Bangkok, as part of a polarized struggle for power between bitterly opposed political factions. Why does Thailand go against the regional grain? We seek an explanation to the Thai exception by investigating to what extent the southern conflict, the border dispute and the struggle over government are causally interlinked. The latter, we suggest, has been the determining factor, and the main explanation for the upsurge of conflict in Thailand is the lack of civilian control with the military, which has weakened state capacity and made it possible to topple elected governments in coups, court decisions and street-based campaigns.

  • 228.
    Björkdahl, Annika
    et al.
    Lund University.
    Höglund, Kristine
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Precarious Peacebuilding: Friction in Global–Local Encounters2013In: Peacebuilding, ISSN 2164-7267, Vol. 1, no 3, p. 289--299Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    How can we understand the processes and outcomes that arise from frictional encounters in peacebuilding? This special issue contributes to ongoing debates on the precariousness of peacebuilding, by introducing the term friction as a way to capture and analyse the conflictual dimensions of global–local encounters. We envisage six responses – compliance, adoption, adaptation, co-option, resistance and rejection – which arise as a result of meetings between actors, ideas and practice in global–local relationships. These responses create new realities as they alter power relations, transform agency and mediate practices related to peacebuilding. Thus, the conceptual framework and insights drawn from the articles in the special issue contribute to a discussion about transforming the boundaries between the international and local, and cast new light on agency in peacebuilding processes while challenging aspects of the hybridisation of peace.

  • 229.
    Björkdahl, Annika
    et al.
    Lund University.
    Höglund, KristineUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.Millar, Gearoid
    Verkoren, Willemijn
    Peacebuilding and Friction: Global and Local Encounters in Post Conflict Societies.2016Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 230.
    Björkdahl, Annika
    et al.
    Lund University.
    Höglund, Kristine
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Millar, Gearoid
    van der Lijn, Jair
    Conclusions: Peacbuilding and the Significance of Friction2016In: Peacebuilding and Friction: Global and Local Encounters in Post Conflict Societies / [ed] Björkdahl, Annika, Kristine Höglund, Gearoid Millar, Jair van der Lijn, and Willemijn Verkoren, Abdington and New York: Routledge, 2016, p. 203--213Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 231.
    Björkdahl, Annika
    et al.
    Lund University.
    Höglund, Kristine
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Millar, Gearoid
    van der Lijn, Jair
    Verkoren, Willemijn
    Introduction: Peacebuilding through the Lens of Friction2016In: Peacebuilding and Friction: Global and Local Encounters in Post Conflict Societies / [ed] Björkdahl, Annika, Kristine Höglund, Gearoid Millar, Jair van der Lijn, and Willemijn Verkoren, Abdington and New York: Routledge, 2016, p. 1-16Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 232.
    Blad, Johannes
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Economic Sanctions and Repression: The effect of economic sanctions on repression conditional on levels of democracy2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 233.
    Blomkvist, Hans
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Swain, Ashok
    Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Investigating Democracy and Social Capital in India2001In: Economic & Political Weekly, Vol. 36, no 8Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 234.
    Blondel, Ylva
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Eriksson, Mikael
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gleditsch, Nils Petter
    Grusell, Helena
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Höglund, Kristine
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Nilsson, Desiree
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Sollenberg, Margareta
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Strand, Håvard
    Svensson, Isak
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Söderberg, Mimmi
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Wallensteen, Peter
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    States in Armed Conflict 20012002Report (Other academic)
  • 235.
    Blondel, Ylva Isabelle
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research. Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Do spectacular events lead to changes in expectations?: Television media coverage acts of terror and France’s security agenda2004Conference paper (Other (popular scientific, debate etc.))
  • 236.
    Blondel, Ylva Isabelle
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research. Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Does the media promote terrorism?: Media coverage of a hijacking and changes in France’s political security agenda2004Conference paper (Other (popular scientific, debate etc.))
  • 237.
    Blondel, Ylva Isabelle
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The Power of Symbolic Power: An Application of O'Neill's Game of Honour to Asymmetric Internal Conflict2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Powerful states can lose wars to militarily weaker opponents. This can only be understood by moving away from an over-simplified traditional definition of power and by incorporating the symbolic dimensions of power. The present study focuses on honour, which is one facet of symbolic power that is particularly relevant for understanding conflict because it is often associated with publicly participating in violence. Barry O’Neill’s Game of Honour model, originally developed for inter-state relations, provides a structured framework to analyse the strategic use of symbols in internal asymmetric conflicts. The main claim in this dissertation is that because there is only one recognised state apparatus competition is always for the same audience. I argue that this makes it difficult to assume that the state can adequately foresee the audience’s expectations, and that outcomes of a challenge can best be understood as the relative honour of the primary actors. Two cases were selected from the recent conflict in Algeria to empirically apply the model. The first is a public demonstration that occurred in Algiers in 1991 and involves a domestic news media audience, while the second is a plane hijacking that involves a Western news media audience. Six other cases are also considered with the aim of highlighting salient issues relevant to incorporating other dimensions of symbolic power connected, but not equal, to honour. The application of the model to the cases clearly reflects that symbolic challenges can be perceived as serious threats to actors who are militarily far superior. This suggests that key events can alter the relative power balance in asymmetric conflicts and, therefore, it is not possible to assume that symbolic power is merely a reflection of underlying material capabilities as a traditional definition of power implies.

  • 238.
    Blondel, Ylva Isabelle
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research. Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Violent Conflict and Roles of the Media2003Report (Other (popular scientific, debate etc.))
  • 239.
    Blondel, Ylva
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Jakobsson, Ann-Sofi
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Jato, Andrés
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Sollenberg, Margareta
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Wallensteen, Peter
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Ångman, Staffan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    States in Armed Conflict 19981999Report (Other academic)
  • 240.
    Blondel, Ylva
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Jakobsson Hatay, Ann-Sofi
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Jato, Andrés
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Ohlson, Thomas
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Sollenberg, Margareta
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Wallensteen, Peter
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Ångman, Staffan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    States in Armed Conflict 19992000Report (Other academic)
  • 241.
    Blöth, Pauline
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Civilian Agency in Contexts of Organized Criminal Violence: The case of the bandas criminales in Colombia2019Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    While research increasingly recognizes the importance of civilian agency and strategies in influencing conflict dynamics and reducing civilian victimization in the context of armed conflict, research has until now not investigated whether civilians also have the capacity to limit organized criminal violence. This study thus aims to answer under which conditions civilians can protect themselves from and influence levels of organized criminal violence and draws on the literatures on civilian self-protection and autonomy strategies in the context of armed conflict, as well as on organized criminal governance and violence. I argue that civilian communities with high levels of social organization will experience lower levels of violence, as they are more likely to mount successful collective strategies that influence costs and benefits for organized crime groups to use violence. Using the method of structured focused comparison, this hypothesis is tested on the Colombian municipalities San Juan de Arama, Vistahermosa and Granada. The results show some support for the theorized relationship. In general, municipalities with higher levels of social organization experienced lower levels of organized criminal violence, but this relationship appears to be moderated by levels of civil war violence. Due to the explorative character of this study, more research is warranted.

  • 242.
    Bobekova, Elvira
    et al.
    University of Otago, New Zealand .
    Pearce Smith, Scott
    University of Otago, New Zealand .
    Svensson, Isak
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research. University of Otago, New Zealand.
    Rivers of Peace: Institutionalized Mekong River Cooperation and The East Asian Peace2013In: European Journal of East Asian Studies, ISSN 1568-0584, E-ISSN 1570-0615, Vol. 12, p. 7-34Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    East Asia represents a remarkable example of a region that has transformed from one of the most violent in the world, in terms of interstate wars and internationalised intrastate conflicts, towards a relatively peaceful region. What explains East Asian peace? This study adopts an institutional perspective, arguing that a crucial role in the creation and development of East Asia’s peace, and in the Mekong region in particular, has been the emergence of transnational river cooperation in the Mekong Basin. It examines the nature and drivers of such institutional cooperation. Explanations can be found in a combination of external support from third parties, and an internal economic growth imperative held by the Mekong states themselves. It provides useful policy lessons for the creation and development of peace and cooperation through institution-building.

  • 243.
    Bogg, Anna
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    China and India as humanitarian donors: A regional case study in Southeast Asia2015Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 244.
    Bohman, Elias
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    When the Death Count Gets Higher: Intensifying ‘Sons of the Soil’ Conflicts2016Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    ‘Sons of the soil’ conflicts seldom intensify above a low level of intrastate violence. Although frequent, they tend to remain small in scale, which has contributed to a lack of scholarly understanding about why some Sons of the soil conflict yet intensify more than others. Taking the role of the state into account, this study aims to investigate the causes for intensification in these conflicts. With a neoclassical realist approach, domestic factors behind the causal process of conflict intensification are unearthed, thereby investigating further the action-formation of the government threat perception. It leads the study to test the following hypothesis: A Sons of the soil conflict is more likely to intensify if the government misperceives the threat the conflict constitutes. Through a comparative process tracing analysis of Sons of the soil conflict intensity in Mali and Niger, 2006-2012, findings suggest that certain domestic factors at the state level cause a significant variation in the outcome. Actual low threats of Sons of the soil conflict may in fact be intensified due to state misperceptions. 

  • 245.
    Boström, Lukas
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Understanding Educational Causes of Terrorism: An empirical analysis investigating the global relationship between specific educational attributes and its effects on domestic terrorism activity2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to develop further knowledge of how specific educational

    attributes such as educational quality is affecting domestic terrorism activity. Using a time

    frame between 1999 and 2007, involving 133 countries. The research results indicate that

    educational quality does in most instances have a negative correlating effect on domestic

    terrorism activity. Though not to the same extent as the hypothesis suggests, where

    school completions rates appears to positively correlate with increased risk of domestic

    terrorism activity. However as theorized quality education proves to have more

    significant importance for a reduced risk of domestic terrorism compared to previous

    educational indicators that generally positively correlate with increased risk of domestic

    terrorism, when controlling for specific country conditions.

  • 246.
    Bradshaw, Jennifer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    In the Pursuit of Ending Cycles of Violence: An Exploration into the Critical Role Local Agency plays for Women Peacebuilders2018Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Peacebuilding projects continue to fall short in reaching their full potential. In order to find more effective approaches to ending cycles of violence locally driven peacebuilding projects are become increasingly popular. Despite the growing practical interest towards this approach, very little is known about the conditions around how to ensure local peacebuilders have what they need for this to occur, and in particular for domestic women peacebuilders. Research is showing in order to build durable peace women are a vital group to meaningfully include, however, they continue to be marginalized, left out all together and or given little agency in  peacebuilding work. This thesis contributes to this understudied field by exploring how partnership structures between international peacebuilding actors (IPAs) and domestic women peacebuilders (DWPBs) can affect the level of agency a DWPB has to develop and implement projects that will address most with her local conflict and cultural needs. I conduct a case study analysis of two individual DWPBs, in order to test a theoretical argument linking more equitable partnership structure between IPAs and DWPBs with a DWPBs higher level of agency. The empirical finding give support to the hypotheses tested, as the structure of relationships appears to affect the level of agency a DWPB does have when implementing a peacebuilding project. However, the empirical analysis also points towards other factors that potentially can possibly influence a DWPB’s level of agency.

  • 247.
    Bring, Ove
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Law, Department of Law. Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Law, Peace Research and International Intervention1997In: International Intervention: New Norms in the post-Cold War Era, 1997, p. 143-147Chapter in book (Other scientific)
  • 248.
    Brosché, Johan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Abyei: the Kashmir of Sudan2012Other (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The development in Abyei on the border between Sudan and South Sudan is said to be a determining factor for the future relationship between the two states. An analysis of the contested area shows that there are at least four different conflict types present: communal, local elite, centre-periphery and cross-border conflicts. However, the conflicts in Abyei must not be seen in isolation but with an understanding of their interlinkages with Sudan’s other conflicts. The conflict complementarities framework presented in this article contributes to a deeper understanding of the complex situation.

  • 249.
    Brosché, Johan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Causes of Communal Conflicts: Government Bias, Elites and Conditions for Cooperation2015Report (Refereed)
  • 250.
    Brosché, Johan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    CPA - New Sudan, Old Sudan or Two Sudan?: A review of the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement2007In: Journal of African Policy Studies, Vol. 13, no 1, p. 16-41Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    On 9 January 2005 the Sudan’s People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the Government of Sudan (GoS) signed a peace agreement called the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which ended a conflict that had been going on since 1983 and resulted in at least 54 000 battle-related deaths. In total it is estimated that two million people have died during the war as a result of violence, famine and disease. This was the final outcome of the so called Machakos peace process which began in July 2002. Overall the implementation is lacking in momentum. Some encouraging signs could be seen: a ceasefire that has held with just one exception; the return of hundreds of thousands of refugees and Internally Displaced Person’s (IDP’s) to the South; and an extensive redeployment of troops. However, other parts of the agreement have not been implemented: there is still no consensus on the contentious region of Abyei; several stipulated commissions have not yet been launched and others are not working properly. The overall impression of the implementation process is negative and the foremost reason for this is the GoS’s lack of will and SPLM’s lack of capacity to properly implement the CPA.

2345678 201 - 250 of 2022
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf