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  • 251. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Åsard, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Languages, Department of English, The Swedish Institue for North American Studies.
    The Marketplace of Ideas: The Rhetoric and Politics of Tax Reform in Sweden and the United States1995In: Polity, ISSN 0032-3497, E-ISSN 1744-1684, Vol. XXVIII, no 1, p. 1-23Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The article analyzes the politics and rhetoric of tax reform in the United States (1986) and Sweden (1990). The two cases show that loosely regulated idea markets may yield policies that are more uneven, less consistent with the rhetorical claims made for them, and less strongly supported by the public than is the case with tightly regulated idea markets.

  • 252.
    Bennich-Björkman, Anna
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    A Working-Class Party? The Swedish Social Democrats and the Descriptive Representation of Workers2015Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The Social Democrats’ have had an incomparable influence over Swedish politics during the 20th century. This study looks at how this working-class party descriptively represents the working-class on its ballot lists for the Swedish parliament, Riksdagen. Using a mixed methods approach this study builds on an original data set including all of the Social Democratic ballot lists for Riksdagen from 1970 to 2014. The data is combined with qualitative interviews with party representatives in two constituencies.

    The combined results of the studies show that the Social Democrats are not descriptively representing the Swedish working-class. The party representatives seem to want to represent the working-class and they think that they are descriptively representing this social class. The results indicate that it might be more important for the party to find candidates that are loyal, than candidates who want to represent working-class interests. Furthermore, there are indications that the party might define the working-class in outdated terms; rather than focusing on the level of education, the party defines the working-class largely in terms of those employed in manual labor and heavy industry.

  • 253.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    26. State capture in the Baltics: Identity, International Role Models and Network Formation2002In: The Baltic Sea Region: Cultures, Politics, Societies / [ed] Witold Maciejewski, Uppsala: Baltic University Press , 2002, 1, p. 345-360Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 254.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    A political culture in exile: The Estonian inter-war generation in Canada and Sweden2006In: Journal of Baltic Studies, ISSN 0162-9778, E-ISSN 1751-7877, Vol. 37, no 1, p. 68-93Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article focuses on cultural responses to institutional change. Through a value survey about civic values and perceptions of the state, predictions from rationalism and culturalism are tested on a generation of Estonians. Members of this inter-war generation were socialized during the first Estonian republic in the 1920s and 1930s, but then spent their adult lives in exile in Sweden and Canada. The survey, which was performed in 1998 when the respondents born between 1915–25 were well into their seventies and eighties, shows substantially stronger approval of democratic opportunities and public institutions among Canadian-Estonians in comparison to the Swedish-Estonians. Theoretically, the conclusion drawn is that a modification of the cultural theory resting on the importance of cultural correspondence between the originally socialized culture in the inter-war period and that of the host country is needed in order to make sense of this cultural response pattern.

  • 255.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Agera men inte agitera: den toleranta, västerländska medborgaren2001Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 256.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Between Resistance and Opposition.: Developments After Stalinism2007In: Latvia and Eastern Europe in the 60s-80s. Materials of an International Conference 10 october 2006., 2007Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 257.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    BSR Section 4: Introduction2002In: The Baltic Sea Region: Cultures, Politics, Societies / [ed] Witold Maciejewski, Uppsala: Baltic University Press , 2002, 1, p. 282-284Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 258.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Building Post-Communist States: Political Corruption and strategies of party formation in Estonia and Latvia.2006In: Building democracy and civil society east of the Elbe: Essays in honour of Edmund Mokrzycki / [ed] Sven Eliaeson, New York, 2006, p. 288-305Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 259.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Case Chapter 6. Are the Baltic States ready to join the EU?2002In: The Baltic Sea Region: Cultures, Politics, Societies / [ed] Witold Maciejewski, Uppsala: Baltic University Press , 2002, 1, p. 361-367Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 260.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Civic commitment, political culture and the Estonian inter-war generation2007In: Nationalities Papers, ISSN 0090-5992, E-ISSN 1465-3923, Vol. 35, no 1, p. 1-21Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 261.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Democracy2002In: The Baltic Sea region: Cultures, politics, societies / [ed] Witold Maciejewski, Uppsala: Baltic University Press , 2002, p. 280-370Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 262.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Död eller skendöd?: Svensk modell i upplösning2000In: Svenskt kynne: en konferens anordnad av Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet vid Uppsala universitet / [ed] Leif Lewin, Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2000Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 263.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Explaining State Capture in Estonia and Latvia: Identity, International Role Models and Political Formation2001Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 264.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Forskarrollen.Reflexioner kring en passionerad profession2016In: Att forska. Praktiker och roller inom samhällsvetenskapen / [ed] Hagström, Linus, Bremberg, Niklas, Holmberg, Arita, Stockholm: Carlsson Bokförlag, 2016Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 265.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Frihet2010In: Allt som tänkas kan: 29 ingångar till Vetenskapens villkor / [ed] Marie Cronquist, Göteborg: Makadam , 2010Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 266.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    How institutions take root. A Comparative Research Project on Africa and Eastern Europe2001Other (Other academic)
  • 267.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Intellectual conformism depends on institutional incentives, not on socialized culture:  2006In: Behavioral and Brain Sciences, ISSN 0140-525X, E-ISSN 1469-1825, Vol. 29, no 6, p. 569-570Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The study by Ceci et al. shows that academic behavior associated with the core principles of intellectual freedom is more shaped by institutional incentives than by organizational culture. From an organizational theoretical point of view, this is quite an unexpected finding, not least because we do believe universities to be fairly strong and explicit cultures that should be successful in socialization.

  • 268.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Just do it! Reforming Away Corruption in Georgia and Estonia2016Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 269.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Långt före sin tid. Forskningsuniversitetet som kreativ miljö2016In: Det hotade universitetet / [ed] Shirin Ahlbäck-Öberg m fl., Stockholm: Dialogos Förlag, 2016Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 270.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Post-Communism2017In: SAGE Handbook of Political Sociology / [ed] Outhwaite,William, Turner, Stephen, Sage Publications, 2017Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 271.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Projektsamhället och hoten mot akademin2016In: Det hotade universitetet / [ed] Ahlbäck-Öberg, Shirin m fl, Stockholm: Dialogos Förlag, 2016Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 272.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Statskunskap: Söndrade vi falla?”In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, no 2Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 273.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The cultural roots of Estonia's successful transition: How historical legacies shaped the 1990s2007In: East European Politics and Societies, ISSN 0888-3254, E-ISSN 1533-8371, Vol. 21, no 2, p. 316-347Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the cultural roots of Estonia's surprisingly successful transitions in the 1990s. Taking the point of departure in historical institutionalism, two layers of political cultural legacies are identified as particularly crucial in preparing Estonia for the democratic government installed after independence. First, the article argues that even in a Baltic context, Estonia stood out as a hotbed for social initiatives and elite networks during Communist times. Second, to understand why such liberalisation within the authoritarian Communist regime started earlier in Estonia than elsewhere in the Soviet Union, there is a need to acknowledge the importance that the historical experiences of the inter-war republic played. Estonia then developed a civic culture that partly survived even during the Pats regime from 1934 to 1939. These experiences surfaced once the yolk of Stalinism was lifted in the 1950s and shaped Estonia under Communism into a society of "collective mobilization" where democratically inclined counter-elites could form.

  • 274.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Ulrika Jerre: Conflicting Logics? Implementing Capacity and EU Adaptation in a Postcommunist Context. Lund Political Studies 136. Lund 2005: Department of Political Science.2007In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 108, no 4, p. 411-417Article, book review (Refereed)
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna recension sönderfaller i tre delar. I en första del sammanfattar jag i resonerande form avhandlingens huvudinnehåll och slutsatser. Den andra delen innehåller ett antal kommentarer, frågor och invändningar. I den tredje, avslutande, sektionen sammanfattar jag de positiva och negativa intrycken.

  • 275.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Malmö högskola.
    Universiteten, kreativiteten och politikens aningslöshet2007In: Educare, ISSN 1653-1868, no 1, p. 34-52Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article is concerned with what knowledge that can be gained from research on creativity in psychology, social psychology and organizational theory on the one hand and how research policies are conducted on the other. The thesis brought forward is that research on creative personalities and how organizations promoting creativity function does not inform Swedish policy makers responsible for the higher education sector. There are few traces of the insights provided by such research in the presently conducted research policies. In the article, insights from creativity research are presented and discussed, focusing on the how organizations that generate creativity in research tend to be constructed. For example, in order to be able to mobilize the mental energy and concentration needed to produce creative, that is both new and relevant, ideas and solutions inner motivation as opposed to concerns about external assessments is highly crucial. All studies on creativity confirm that. To create the best possible preconditions for such inner motivation to guide researchers, the phase when ideas are worked out is the most sensitive one to safeguard from outside expectations. However, presently we have an organization for research funding based on competition between ideas, ideas that are then scrutinized and assessed at a quite early stage. Another precondition for creative thinking is a climate of risk-taking and non-conformity. The conformity produced by the present funding system where peers are acting as gatekeepers is becoming a problem to many researchers who manoever in a strategic rather than inner-directed manner in order to receive funding.

  • 276.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Är de baltiska staterna redo för ett EU-medlemsskap?2001In: Östutvidgning, majoritetsbeslut och flexibel integration / [ed] Ulf Bernitz, Sverker Gustavsson & Lars Oxelheim, Stockholm: Santérus Förlag, 2001Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 277.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Ahlbäck-Öberg, Shirin
    Widmalm, Sten
    Hermansson, Jörgen
    Karlsson, Christer
    Jarstad, Anna
    Det hotade universitetet2016Book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 278.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Blomqvist, PaulaUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Mellan folkhem och Europa. Svensk politik i brytningstid2008Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 279.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Bågenholm, Andreas
    Johansson-Heinö, Andreas
    In the absence of antagonism? Rethinking Eastern European Populism in the early 2000s2017In: Eastern European QuarterlyArticle in journal (Refereed)
  • 280.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Kostic, Roland
    Likic-Brboric, Branka
    Citizens at Heart? Perspectives on integration of refugees in the EU after the Yugoslavia wars of succession2016Book (Refereed)
  • 281.
    Benthe, David
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The Friendly Neighbor to the East?: A Study on Russian Media’s Attempt at Influencing the Swedish NATO-Debate.2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 282.
    Berg, Anders
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Staten som kapitalist: Marknadsanpassningen av de affärsdrivande verken 1976-19941999Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    During the 1980's a transformation of the Swedish public sector took place. A term that has frequently been used to describe this chain of events is market orientation. This dissertation deals with the market orientation of a particular group of public authorities, the public enterprises. This book contains a study of the Swedish Parliament's policy during the period 1976-1994 as regards four public enterprises; The Post Office Administration, The Swedish Telecommunications Administration, The Swedish State Railways and The State Power Board.

    The thesis shows that over time the market orientation of the public enterprises has gradually become more apparent and has increasingly covered more aspects of their activities. During the 1980's market orientation was carried out within the framework of the public enterprises as such. Then, at the start of the 1990's, the public enterprise form of three of the studied enterprises was abolished in favour of the company form.

    The study also shows that the vast majority of the political parties have moved towards a more positive position vis-á-vis market orientation. It is the non-socialist parties that started the policy of market orientation but, interestingly enough, it is during the subsequent Social Democratic government that the policy of market orientation becomes particularly pronounced.

    The concluding section of the book is devoted to a discussion on how the decisions made to increase the market orientation of public enterprises can be explained. This discussion concludes with a section devoted to the actions of the Social Democratic Party. In conclusion, the Social Democrats may have applied what in this thesis is called a functional-capitalistic strategy.

  • 283.
    Berg, Annika
    et al.
    Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations (NCGM).
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Dissecting Gender Imbalance: A Horizontal Perspective on When Risk Matters for the Assignment of Women to UN Peacekeeping Missions2016In: Res Militaris, E-ISSN 2265-6294, no 2Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Despite efforts to improve the gender balance in UN peacekeeping missions, the overall proportion of female military peacekeepers is still low. This article focuses on the methodological challenges involved in examining gender balance in international missions. By bringing a horizontal analysis to bear on the proportion of women in UN peacekeeping missions, the study shows how different factors influence that proportion among contingent troops and military observers, respectively. Earlier research has pointed to the fact that the proportion of women is lower in high-risk missions because of the influence of military masculinities in assignments. The authors argue that when examining such a relationship, the different nature of the two groups - contingent troops and military observers, and how prone they are to combat and risk - must be considered and is best approached through a horizontally disaggregated line of analysis. The horizontal study outlined in this article confirms that such a relationship exists as regards contingent troops, but not among military observers. Its findings primarily show the relevance of a horizontally disaggregated analysis when examining factors that influence gender balance in international missions. Secondly, it suggests that other factors than the influence of military masculinities and the prevalence of mission risk also affect the proportion of women among military observers and similar groups in international missions. The authors conclude by stressing the need for future research to identify the factors that underpin assignment to different military functions, not least when it comes to servicewomen.  

  • 284.
    Berg, Elias
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    The historical thinking of Charles A. Beard1957Book (Other academic)
  • 285.
    Berg, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Forbidden Love and Deadly Diseases: A Dynamic Frame Analysis About Homophobia and HIV in Uganda2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis has strived to analyze how institutionalized frames may affect how another topic is discussed in a political context. This presented framing strategy is referred to as frame bridging. The aim was to analyze whether the framing of homosexuality in Uganda has affected its HIV policy. It is based on the constructivist understanding of policy as something created in dynamic social processes, which can be strategically framed intentionally or have unintentional consequences. Uganda is a compelling case since its homophobia is institutionalized to a degree that makes it difficult for people in to express gay-positive sentiment. Dynamic frame analysis was chosen as method. The material analyzed consisted primarily of statements from key politicians and official policy documents from the Ugandan government between 2009 and 2017. Firstly, the frames that exist upon homosexuality and HIV in Uganda were distinguished. These frames, illustrated tensions between the West and Africa, conflicting roles on masculinity, HIV as consequence of immoral behavior. Secondly, the frames within HIV policy were scrutinized. These frames outlined HIV as a consequence of promiscuity, as a problem especially to those with ‘risky sexual behavior’ or it failed to at all acknowledge e.g. men having sex with men. This thesis demonstrates that a frame bridging is present although it is not overt but rather implicit. The HIV policy is heteronormative and renders sexual minorities invisible. A possible explanation is that the exclusion of men having sex with men in HIV policy is strategic and due to aid dependency from Western donors. Since actors are confined in their social realities, Ugandan politicians may not be explicitly homophobic in HIV policy since they must acknowledge the Western donors’ influence. This thesis has illustrated that the relationship between homophobia and HIV ultimately turns in to a discussion about tensions between an ‘open’ West and a ‘deprived’ Africa.

  • 286.
    Berg, Fanny
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Building Women's Disaster Resilience: An Investigation of Social Capital Generation Through International Disaster Assistance Following Cyclone Pam2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 287.
    Bergdahl, Becky
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Department of Theology.
    Yo ban? Rape rap and limits of free speech in India: An argument analysis of the debate about banning the artist Honey Singh2013Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis consists of an argument analysis of three columns published in the Indian newspaper The Indian Express in the aftermath of the gangrape and murder of a young woman in Delhi in December 2012, and the following debate about glorification of rape in Indian popular culture. One of the columnists is arguing in favour of including gender as a category in the Indian law on hate speech, thereby banning an artist called Honey Singh and his lyrics about rape. The two other columnists are arguing against new restrictions on free speech in India.

    The analysis of the columns shows that there are several relevant arguments for and against including gender in the Indian hate speech legislation. The argumentation against a new law is similar to argumentation found in Western liberal theory, and the argumentation in favour of a new law is similar to argumentation found in Western radical feminist and critical race theory.

    However, both strands of philosophy are contested by postcolonial theorists, arguing that no Western theory is applicable in a non-Western context, such as India. Indian postcolonial feminists argue in favour of a third approach to sexist speech in India; a counter-speech approach. Counter-speech theorists agree with liberals about the importance of freedom of speech, and with feminists about the harm in hate speech. According to counter-speech theory, hate speech shall thus not be outlawed, but the state shall try to counter the harmful effects of hate speech, for example by strengthening groups targeted by hate speech so that they can speak back to hatemongers.

    The conclusion of this thesis is that a counter-speech approach is the most sustainable regarding freedom of speech and gender in India. Such an approach does not only appeal to Indian postcolonial theorists, it is also a middle way in-between a liberal and a radical feminist approach.

    In the conclusion, the relevance of hate speech legislation as a whole is also questioned. Laws such as in India, that protect only racial and religious groups from being targeted by hate speech while categories such as gender, sexual orientation and disability are not included, can be deemed discriminatory. An abolishment of hate speech prohibitions and an adoption of a counter-speech approach to all forms of hate speech is discussed.

  • 288.
    Bergesen, Oskar
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Peace in Space for Our Time?: United States Strategical Considerations in Outer Space Policy2016Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The politics of outer space has in recent years been given attention from political elites and scientist due to increasing usage and reliance on space based assets, and due to increasing numbers of actors trying to utilize the benefits of space. Concerns have been raised if the increasing military usage of space will lead to a future weaponization of space, making some political leaders and scholars claiming the inevitability of space weaponization.  In this thesis I investigate why the United States of America this far has chosen not to weaponize space based on the strategical setting of outer space politics. The research question guiding this thesis reads: What strategic considerations explain the US decision not to weaponize outer space? In order to evaluate the strategic setting and US strategical considerations I apply Game Theory and Non-Formal Rational Choice Theory to highlight what is causing the greatest space faring nation not to weaponize space. I empirically base this study on official space policy documents and one report written by an official commission to asses US national security space management.  Based on the strategic setting of outer space politics and US strategical considerations it is found that the US has not commenced a process leading to the weaponization of space since such development would not increase its national security, but rather in several ways decrease it. I conclude that a process of space weaponization is not likely to be initiated by the US in the current strategical setting.

  • 289.
    Berggren, Klara
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Den hållbara (tids)resan: En tidsöverskridande studie om hållbar biståndsallokering2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 290.
    Berggren Sörlin, Emilia
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Brexit i media: En frameanalys av brittisk medierapportering inför Brexitomröstningen2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 291.
    Bergkvist, John-Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    I arbetsmarknadsparternas gemensamma intresse: Mellan rationalitet och ideologi: En uppsats om varför kollektivavtal utan centralt angivet löneutrymme träffas på svensk arbetsmarknad2018Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna uppsats undersöker varför kollektivavtal utan centralt löneutrymme träffas på svensk arbetsmarknad. Det empiriska materialet utgörs av svar från tjugotre semistrukturerade intervjuer med arbetsmarknadsorganisationer och Medlingsinstitutet. Den empiriska datan analyseras utifrån Walter Korpis maktresursteori och Peter Swensons mellanklassteori och dess förklaringar av arbetsmarknadsorganisationernas beteende. Studien finner inget stöd för hypotesen härledd ur maktresursteorins förklaring – att det skulle vara svaga förbund som tvingats till kollektivavtal utan centralt angivet löneutrymme. Huvudslutsatsen är istället att kollektivavtal utan central angivet löneutrymme är en produkt sprungen ur parternas gemensamma intresse att skapa en mer segmentalistisk ordning med en mer prestationsbaserad lönebildning och större lönespridning. Bland förbunden finns två något olika motiv till att lämna ett mer solidarisk lönebildningsarrangemang. Majoriteten av förbunden ser ett stort egenvärde i en mer segmentalistisk ordning i syfte att åstadkomma större lönespridning och för att möjliggöra för den individuella medlemmen att påverka sin egen lön och möjlighet till lönekarriär. Det andra motivet är att använda det sifferlösa avtalet, och implicit de segmentalitska effekter det innebär, för att åstadkomma relativlöneökningar för förbundsmedlemmarna som kollektiv. När kollektivavtal utan centralt angivet löneutrymme väl har träffats förändrar det förutsättningarna för beslut om kollektivavtal utan centralt angivet löneutrymme vid nästa avtalsrörelse. Avtalet stärker relationen till arbetsgivarparten på alla nivåer i avtals-och lönebildningsprocessen och alla nivåer är nöjda med avtals- och löneproceduren – vilket gör det svårare att inte träffa avtalet vid nästa avtalsrörelse.

  • 292.
    Berglund, Adam
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    En knegares val: En Studie om klassröstningens betydelse för Socialdemokraterna 1982-20102017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 293.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    At the Crossroads: Georgia Between Dominant-Power Politics, Feckless Pluralism and Democracy2013Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This article charts the last decade of Georgian politics through theories of semi-authoritarianism and democratization. I first dissect Saakashvili’s system of "dominant-power politics", which enabled state-building reforms, yet also atrophied political competition. I then analyze the "nested two-level game" between incumbents and opposition in the run-up to the 2012 parliamentary elections. After recounting the outcome of election day, I examine the Darwinian cohabitation that next pushed Georgia in the direction of "feckless pluralism". With presidential elections and a new constitution looming, protagonists must cease using state institutions for partisan purposes in order to set Georgia on a democratic trajectory. 

  • 294.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Borders and Belonging: Nation-Building in Georgia's Armenian and Azerbaijani Ethno-Regions, 2004–20122016Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Since the fall of the Soviet Union, scholars researching ethnic politics have approached the South Caucasus as a testing ground for theories of separatism and conflict. But the 2003 Rose Revolution brought a new generation of politicians to power in Georgia. President Mikheil Saakashvili distanced himself from the ethnic nationalism of the past, which had poisoned relations between Georgians and their Armenian and Azerbaijani compatriots. The incoming authorities instead sought to foster an inclusive nationalism, wherein belonging hinged on speaking the state language and all Georgian-speakers, regardless of origin, were to be equals.

    This thesis investigates this nation-building project and its influence on the integration of Georgia's Armenian and Azerbaijani borderlands. I first examine the mode through which these peripheries were incorporated into post-Soviet Georgia. Since Armenians controlled "their own" domain to a greater extent than the Azerbaijanis, I infer that the former were absorbed along integralist and the latter along colonial lines. Moving to the time-period after the Rose Revolution, I next explore if Georgian officials and Georgian adolescents were tolerant towards Georgian-speaking minorities. With the help of elite interviews and a socio-linguistic experiment (n = 792), I reveal that officials and adolescents were open to integrated Armenians and Azerbaijanis alike. I then proceed to inspect the centre's nationalising agencies and their efforts to incentivise minorities to interact with Georgians, and to use the state language during these contacts. Last but not least, I turn to the reactions this nation-building project elicited in the borderlands. On the basis of interviews with local elites and a socio-linguistic experiment involving Armenian and Azerbaijani adolescents (n = 434; n = 483), I discovered sharp differences: Armenians reacted with defiance and Azerbaijanis with compliance.

    These findings augment our knowledge of ethno-linguistic stereotypes in the Caucasus. They also demonstrate that inclusive nation-building projects can inspire minorities to integrate – despite adverse circumstances – but hint at one condition conducive to this end. Armenians perceived the state language as a battering ram against "their own" domain, while Azerbaijanis saw it as a tool to escape their isolation. This within-country comparison suggests that similar nation-building projects can trigger different reactions in integralist and colonial borderlands.

  • 295.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Demokratisering och dess gränser: etnopolitik, exit och voice i Georgiens kortslutna transition2010In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 24, no 1, p. 7-34Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article aims to highlight and problematise the boundaries of democratisation, with Georgia's troubled transition as empirical point of reference. The argument proceeds from the established idea that democratisation requires a demos, the presence of which provides the state undergoing transition with horizontal legitimacy. However, there are no good ways to decide where or how to draw the boundaries of democratisation in ethnopolitically contested states. Transitions occurring under such circumstances tend to be short-circuited. No nation wishes to be subjugated to the will of another nation within a state owned by another nation. Whether conflicts over the boundaries of democratisation are resolved to the satisfaction of the majority or minority depends to a significant degree - but by no means exclusively - on the vertical legitimacy of the host state. Depending on whether the relationship between the majority population and the state institutions is characterised by distrust or trust, the host state will be either weak or strong, and hence have low or high ability to contain resentful minorities. The article argues that between 1991 and 2003, Georgia was characterised by low vertical legitimacy, whereas since 2004, the state has acquired higher vertical legitimacy.

  • 296.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    'Forward to David the Builder!' Armenians and Azerbaijanis under Georgia's Civic Nationalism2014Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Following the Rose Revolution, President Saakashvili sought to transcend the ethnic nationalism that had poisoned relations between Georgians and the country's Armenian and Azerbaijani minorities. A civic nation was to be forged by encouraging minorities to learn the state language. But for the Armenians and Azerbaijanis to see incentives in doing so, it is necessary that all Georgian-speakers be treated as equals - regardless of residual ethnic features. After examining official policies and rhetoric as well as attitudes among adolescent Georgians, this article concludes that previous scholars have underestimated the civic-ness of nationalism in Saakashvili's Georgia.

  • 297.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    “Forward to David the Builder!”: Georgia's (re)turn to language-centered nationalism2016In: Nationalities Papers, ISSN 0090-5992, E-ISSN 1465-3923, Vol. 44, no 4, p. 522-542Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    After the Rose Revolution, President Saakashvili tried to move away from the exclusionary nationalism of the past, which had poisoned relations between Georgians and their Armenian and Azerbaijani compatriots. His government instead sought to foster an inclusionary nationalism, wherein belonging was contingent upon speaking the state language and all Georgian speakers, irrespective of origin, were to be equals. This article examines this nation-building project from a top-down and bottom-up lens. I first argue that state officials took rigorous steps to signal that Georgian-speaking minorities were part of the national fabric, but failed to abolish religious and historical barriers to their inclusion. I next utilize a large-scale, matched-guise experiment (n = 792) to explore if adolescent Georgians ostracize Georgian-speaking minorities or embrace them as their peers. I find that the upcoming generation of Georgians harbor attitudes in line with Saakashvili's language-centered nationalism, and that current Georgian nationalism therefore is more inclusionary than previous research, or Georgia's tumultuous past, would lead us to believe.

  • 298.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    'Forward to David the Builder!' Armenians and Azerbaijanis under Georgia's Civic Nationalism2013Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 299.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Georgia2013In: The Handbook of Political Change In Eastern Europe / [ed] Sten Berglund, Joakim Ekman, Kevin Deegan-Krause & Terje Knutsen, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2013, 3, p. 775-821Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 300.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Georgia between Dominant-Power Politics, Feckless Pluralism, and Democracy2014In: Demokratizatsiya, ISSN 1074-6846, E-ISSN 1940-4603, Vol. 22, no 3, p. 445-470Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article charts the last decade of Georgian politics (2003-2013) through theories of semi-authoritarianism and democratization. It first dissects Saakashvili’s system of dominant-power politics, which enabled state-building reforms, yet atrophied political competition. It then analyzes the nested two-level game between incumbents and opposition in the run-up to the 2012 parliamentary elections. After detailing the verdict of Election Day, the article turns to the tense cohabitation that next pushed Georgia in the direction of feckless pluralism. The last section examines if the new ruling party is taking Georgia in the direction of democratic reforms or authoritarian closure.

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