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  • 301.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gendered Parties: Making the male norm visible in Thai Politics2010In: Gendered inequalities in Asia: Configuring, contesting and recognizing women and men / [ed] Helle Rydstrøm, Copenhagen: NIAS Press , 2010, 223-251 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 302.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Thailand och den konstanta föränderligheten2010In: Prometokrati: Mellan diktatur och demokrati / [ed] Sten Widmalm och Sven Oskarsson, Lund: Studentlitteratur , 2010, 171-196 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 303.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Gender Research.
    Men in Politics: Revisiting Patterns of Gendered Parliamentary Representation in Thailand and Beyond2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Male parliamentary dominance, rather than the corresponding female parliamentary underrepresentation, is the object of study in this thesis. This shift in focus implies a gendered analysis centered on men and men’s practices. The thesis contributes to our understanding of how male dominance is maintained and reinvented by empirically studying male parliamentary dominance in clientelist settings. Worldwide trends of parliamentary representation are analyzed statistically and constitute the starting-point for a case study of male political networks in Thailand.

    Clientelism is a strategy used by political actors to increase predictability in politically unpredictable settings. The thesis shows that clientelism is an informal political practice that requires the building and maintenance of large and localized networks to help distribute services, goods and/or money in exchange for political support. Where political parties also use candidate selection procedures that are informal, exclusive and localized, there are ample openings for clientelist practices to translate into political power and ultimately parliamentary seats.

    This study also coins and develops a new concept: homosocial capital. It shows that clientelist networks are and continue to be male dominated because homosocial capital, a political capital accessible only to men, is needed for electoral success. Homosocial capital has two main components: a perceived pragmatic necessity to build linkages to those with access to important resources in society and a more psychological desire to cooperate with individuals whose behavior can be understood, predicted and trusted.

  • 304.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Gender Research.
    Reluctant Tigers: Economic Growth, Erratic Democratization Processes and Continuing Political Gender Inequality in Southeast Asia2008In: Globalization and Its Counter-forces in Southeast Asia, Singapore: ISEAS , 2008Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 305.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Gender Research.
    Thailand: Approaches to the Gender Paradox2009In: Women and Politics around the World: A Comparative History and Survey, Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO , 2009, 623-642 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 306.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Addressing Fear and Injustice to Create an East Asian Culture of Peace2015In: Global Asia, ISSN 1553-1392, E-ISSN 1976-068X, Vol. 10, no 4Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 307.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kenny, Meryl
    University of Edinburgh.
    Revealing the “Secret Garden": The Informal Dimensions of Political Recruitment2015In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 11, no 4, 748-753 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Candidate selection and recruitment has been notably described as the “secret garden” of politics—an obscure process, often hidden from view, that is regulated largely by internal party rules, informal practices, and power relationships (cf. Gallagher and Marsh 1988). In this contribution, we contend that informal party practices and their gendered consequences are critically important for understanding the continuity of male political dominance and female underrepresentation. Rather than make a strict separation between formal and informal rules in the recruitment process, we argue that gender politics scholars must instead identify and empirically investigate the specific combinations of such rules that impact upon women's and men's political participation in parties. The proposed approach allows for a more nuanced understanding of the bounded nature and variable outcomes of institutional innovation and party change.

  • 308.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kenny, Meryl
    Univ Edinburgh, Sch Social & Polit Sci, Edinburgh EH8 9YL, Midlothian, Scotland.
    Comparing Candidate Selection: A Feminist Institutionalist Approach2016In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 51, no 3, 370-392 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This contribution evaluates the theoretical and methodological challenges ofresearching the gendered dynamics of candidate selection in comparativeperspective. It argues that comparative studies should take into account not only thegendered nature of political parties and their wider institutional context, but mustalso investigate the informal aspects of the selection process and their genderedconsequences. The article explores these dynamics by revisiting original in-depthresearch on the candidate selection process in two different settings – Thailand andScotland. Using a common analytical framework, the article reflects on this workand points to two key aspects of the interaction between formal and informal rules –the gendered consequences of informal party recruitment and of local influenceover candidate selection – which are critically important for understanding thecontinuity of male political dominance and female under-representation. The articleconcludes by outlining a research agenda for comparative work on gender, institutionsand candidate selection and pointing to future directions for work in this area.

  • 309.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kreutz, Joakim
    Department of Political Science, Stockholm University.
    Debating the East Asian Peace: What it is. How it came about. Will it last?2017Book (Refereed)
  • 310.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame, USA.
    Disentangling gender, peace and democratization: the negative effects of militarized masculinity2011In: Journal of Gender Studies, ISSN 0958-9236, E-ISSN 1465-3869, Vol. 20, no 2, 139-154 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates, both theoretically and empirically, the relationships between democratization, gender equality and peace. We argue that there is a need to scrutinize both the level of democracy as well as the level of masculine hegemony in societies. Methodologically, we use a combination of quantitative and qualitative analyses to support our argument. We employ regression analysis to show that the relationship between the extent of democracy and the representation of women in politics appears, at first glance, to be non-existent but turns out to be a curvi-linear one. We also show that democracy can facilitate peace, but only in interaction with the level of political gender equality, so that more democratic societies are more peaceful only if there have been moves to gender equality. Our interpretation of these findings is illustrated by the contemporary politics of Thailand. Recent political violence in southern Thailand can be accounted for in the context of it being only partly democratized, where a culture of militarized masculinity persists alongside with, and even within, democratic institutions. Such a culture makes it both difficult for women to enter the political sphere, despite democratic elections, and fosters political violence.

  • 311.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Revisiting Representation: Communism, Women in Politics, and the Decline of Armed Conflict in East Asia2013In: International Interactions, ISSN 0305-0629, E-ISSN 1547-7444, Vol. 39, no 4, 558-574 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This research note evaluates one of the commonly used measurements for political gender equality: representation of women in parliaments. It demonstrates that caution is called for when interpreting results where this variable is used, because parliamentary representation implies different things in different settings. Societies with more women in parliament tend to have fewer intrastate armed conflicts. We investigate this statistical association with a particular focus on East Asia. This region has seen a shift from extremely intense warfare to low levels of battle deaths at roughly the same time as great strides have been made in the representation of women in parliaments. This research note shows, however, that this statistical association is driven by authoritarian communist regimes promoting gender equality as a part of communist ideology, and these countries’ representative chambers have little influence over politics. Using statistical tests and empirical illustrations from East Asia, the note concludes that the political representation of women is an invalid indicator of political gender equality in East Asia. There is thus a need for nuance in assessing the picture painted in earlier research. In addition, the suggestion that more women in parliament will lead to fewer armed conflicts runs the risk of being forwarded as an oversimplified solution to a complex problem, and we briefly discuss the instrumentalization of gender equality in peace and security studies.

  • 312.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Thailand's Missing Democrats: Reds, Yellows, and the Silent Majority2014In: Foreign Affairs, ISSN 0015-7120, no 22 MayArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 313.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Women’s participation and peace?: The decline of armed conflict in East Asia2015In: Gender, Peace and Security: Implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1325 / [ed] Louise Olsson, Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2015, 19-36 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 314.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Pacific Men: How Attitudes to Gender Equality Explain Hostility2017In: The Pacific Review, ISSN 0951-2748, E-ISSN 1470-1332, Vol. 30, no 4, 478-493 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The gender gap in attitudes to foreign policy is well established in public opinion literature. Studies have repeatedly reported that women tend to be more peacefuland less militaristic than men. This article reexamines attitudes of individuals inrelation to foreign policy and pits the gender gap against the largely forgotten feminist gap. We argue that the individual-level relationship between gender equality attitudes on the one hand, and tolerance and benevolence on the other, is underresearched,but also that key contributions about the effects of feminism have beenmostly ignored in research on the gender gap in public opinion. We return to the notion of a causal relationship between gender equality attitudes, and peaceful attitudes, and of a feminist gap that also exists among men. In a series of novel empirical tests, we demonstrate that attitudes to gender equality, not biological sex, explain attitudes towards other nationalities and religious groups. Using individual level survey data from five countries around the Pacific: China, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, and the United States of America, we show that both men and women who reject gender equality are much more hostile both to other nations and to minorities in their own country.

    The full text will be freely available from 2018-07-18 02:00
  • 315. Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Melander, Erik
    Bardall, Gabrielle
    Brounéus, Karen
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Johansson, Karin
    Muvumba Sellström, Angela
    Olsson, Louise
    Gender, Peace, and Armed Conflict2015In: SIPRI Yearbook 2015: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security / [ed] SIPRI, Stockholm: SIPRI , 2015Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 316.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Bardall, Gabrielle
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Johansson, Karin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Muvumba Sellström, Angela
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Olsson, Louise
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gender, peace and armed conflict2015In: SIPRI Yearbook 2015: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security / [ed] Ian Davis, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015, 101-109 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 317.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Tønnesson, Stein
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Why So Much Conflict in Thailand?2015In: Thammasat Review, ISSN 0859-5747, Vol. 18, no 1, 132-161 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Thailand has since 2004 formed an exception to the general peace trend in East Asia. An insurgency in its deep south has cost several thousand lives. Thailand has also engaged in a deadly border conflict with Cambodia and there have been violent incidents in Bangkok, as part of a polarized struggle for power between bitterly opposed political factions. Why does Thailand go against the regional grain? We seek an explanation to the Thai exception by investigating to what extent the southern conflict, the border dispute and the struggle over government are causally interlinked. The latter, we suggest, has been the determining factor, and the main explanation for the upsurge of conflict in Thailand is the lack of civilian control with the military, which has weakened state capacity and made it possible to topple elected governments in coups, court decisions and street-based campaigns.

  • 318.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Removing Quotas, Maintaining Representation: Overcoming Gender Inequalities in Political Party Recruitment2011In: Representation: Journal of Representative Democracy, ISSN 0034-4893, E-ISSN 1749-4001, Vol. 47, no 2, 187-199 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Gender quotas are often referred to as temporary measures to be removed once the barriers for women's political representation have permanently been broken. This article explores theoretically the potential for different quota types to be removed whilst maintaining a high level of women's representation. We find that implemented party/legislative quotas with rank order specifications is the quota type that is most likely to both increase women's numerical representation and to reform political parties' practices in a gender-equal way.

  • 319.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Why are Representational Guarantees Adopted for Women and Minorities?: Comparing Constituency Formation and Electoral Quota Design Within Countries2014In: Representation: Journal of Representative Democracy, ISSN 0034-4893, E-ISSN 1749-4001, Vol. 50, no 3, 307-320 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores the underlying motives for ensuring the political inclusion of marginalised groups. More specifically, it analyses whether laws guaranteeing representation are designed differently for women and minorities and, if so, whether these differences correspond to normative arguments for group representation. We use a novel research strategy by comparing quota designs in all countries that have adopted quotas for both groups. Theoretically, we reconceptualise the relevant distinction between quota types by focusing on whether a special constituency is created or not. We identify substantial differences in quota design between the two groups. Minorities tend to be guaranteed representation through the creation of special constituencies, whereas gender quotas more commonly imply integration into pre-existing constituencies. The analysis largely supports those who argue that quotas for minorities aim to increase the autonomy of the group in question while gender quotas are adopted with the intention to integrate women into the political system.

  • 320.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gender Equality Reforms on an Uneven Playing Field: Candidate Selection and Quota Implementation in Electoral Authoritarian Tanzania2016In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 51, no 3, 464-486 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the dynamics that gender quota reforms create withinand between government and opposition parties in electoral authoritariandominant-party states. A dominant-party state regularly holds relativelycompetitive elections, but the political playing field is skewed in favour of thegovernment party. We investigate the circumstances under which genderquotas’ goal of furthering political gender equality within political parties canbe reconciled with parties’ electoral concerns. We address these issues byanalysing the implementation of reserved seats by the three largest parties inthe dominant-party state of Tanzania. The empirical analysis suggests that theuneven playing field leaves an imprint on the specific priorities parties makewhen implementing candidate selection reforms. Because of large resource gapsbetween parties, the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi – (CCM), is able toreconcile gender equality concerns with power-maximizing partisan strategies toa greater extent than the opposition parties.

  • 321.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Political Parties and Gender Quota Implementation: The Role of Bureaucratized Candidate Selection Processes2016In: Comparative politics, ISSN 0010-4159, E-ISSN 2151-6227, Vol. 48, no 3, 393-417 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article scrutinizes the role of political parties in gender quota implementation. First, it theoretically specifies and operationalizes the concept of bureaucratization in relation to candidate selection. Second, it examines whether parties with bureaucratized selection procedures are better at implementing legally mandated candidate quotas than other parties. We measure implementation as the number of women candidates and women elected (the latter measuring implementation of the spirit of quota laws). Using unique data on almost 100 Latin American parties, the analysis shows that once quotas are in place, parties with bureaucratized selection procedures put substantially more women on their candidate lists than other parties. However, these parties are only better at implementing the letter of the law: they do not get more women elected.

  • 322.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The Impacts of gender Quotas on Candidate Selection Procedures: Towards a Theoretical Framework2009Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 323.
    Björk, Maja
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Inte bara av egen kraft?: En kvalitativ studie av effekten av övriga partiers profilering i immigrationsfrågan på Sverigedemokraternas lokala framgång2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis sets out to study the effect of party strategy on the varying electoral success of anti-immigrant parties.

    In the last decades, Europe has seen a rise of anti-immigrant parties with varying success geographically and over time. In the last fifteen years Sweden has experienced a similar development with the Sweden democrats. Previous research has in different ways tried to explain the success of anti-immigrant parties but to a lesser extent provided explanations for the variation of their success.

    The purpose of this study is to examine whether the variation in anti-immigrant parties’ local electoral success can be explained by other parties’ stances on the immigration issue.  This is being investigated through a qualitative comparative case study of two municipalities in Sweden and the local electoral success of the Sweden democrats. Previous literature has been ambiguous about whether more restrictive stances on the immigration issue among the other parties will facilitate or impede the success of the anti-immigrant party.

    The study shows support for the facilitating hypothesis by discovering more restrictive stances on the immigration issue among the local parties in the municipality that showed a greater success for the Sweden democrats in the most recent local election, and less restrictive stances towards immigration in the municipality with less success for the Sweden democrats. Although the detected difference in stances between the two municipalities is relatively small, the study’s results do support the facilitating hypothesis and show no evidence to disprove it. The results also contribute support for the concept that parties’ issue stances affect the success of other parties.

  • 324.
    Björkblom, Sixten
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Philosophy.
    Södermanlands läns landsting: sammansättning, organisation och verksamhet1942Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 325.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    Samförstånd under oenighet: svensk säkerhetspolitisk debatt under det kalla kriget1992Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 326.
    Björklund, Stefan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    En författning för disputationen1996Book (Other academic)
  • 327.
    Björklund, Stefan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    Forskningsanknytning genom disputation1991Book (Other academic)
  • 328.
    Björkman, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    From informal to formal politics: a study of female polotical participation in the Kilimanjaro regio, Tanzania1997Report (Other academic)
  • 329.
    Björnberg, Arne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Philosophy.
    Parlamentarismens utveckling i Norge efter 19051939Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 330.
    Björnehed, Emma
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Narco-Terrorism: The Merger of the War on Drugs and the War on Terror2004In: Global Crime, Vol. 6, no 3-4, 305-324 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this article is to analyse the phenomena of narco-terrorism and the practical measures utilised to counter this threat. By adopting the model of the crime-terror continuum developed by Tamara Makarenko, the article will outline the similarities and dissimilarities of narcotics trafficking and terrorism in order to provide a more nuanced perspective on the concept of narco-terrorism. By doing so, the article will evaluate the kind of approach taken in combating the threat of narco-terrorism.

  • 331.
    Björnehed, Emma
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Ideas in Conflict: The effect of frames in the Nepal conflict and peace process2012Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In 1996 the state of Nepal was challenged by a Maoist insurgency, resulting in a decade-long civil war. During the course of the subsequent peace process the parliamentary parties found themselves agreeing to significant political changes, including a republican constitution. This study approaches the Nepal case on the assumption that the discursive aspect of social relations is one important factor in understanding how specific events unfold and why actors do one thing and not another.

    Two frames are investigated using frame analysis in terms of their representation of problem, cause and solution: a terrorism frame from the period of conflict and a peace frame from the period of conflict resolution. The terrorism frame is categorised as a negative frame and the peace frame as a positive frame. This overarching difference is found to have implications for the effects of the respective frames.

    In contrast to traditional frame analysis, which tends to focus on the success of a frame and the effects on a specific audience, this study investigates the effects of frames on the actors involved in the framing process in terms of their perceived manoeuvrability for action. This approach is formalised in a model of four types of logic of actor effects that is applied to the Nepal case. The analysis of frame effects is based on first-hand interviews with key actors, such as former prime ministers and top leaders of political parties and civil society. From this material, the study gives insight into how the two frames influenced the actors’ perceived manoeuvrability. This actor-centred approach shows that the frames affected the actors in both enabling and restrictive ways and thus influenced the outcome in Nepal. For example, it is shown that frames created during the conflict were considered a prerequisite for the legitimate use of military force. The study also shows the unintended effects of framing, captured in the model as the effect of self-entrapment, and highlights the coercive character of ideas in making actors perceive themselves as forced to take a certain action or position.

  • 332. Bjørnholt, Bente
    et al.
    Vedung, Evert
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Brugerevaluering2016In: Evaluering af offentlig politik og administration / [ed] Bredgaard, Thomas, Köpenhamn: Hans Reitzels Forlag, 2016, 263-283 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 333. Blauvelt, Timothy
    et al.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Armenians in the Making of Modern Georgia2016In: Armenians in Post-Socialist Europe / [ed] Konrad Siekierski & Stefan Troebst, Köln: Böhlau, 2016, 69-85 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    While sharing a common ethnic heritage and national legacy, and an ambiguous status in relation to the Georgian state and ethnic majority, the Armenians in Georgia comprise not one, but several distinct communities with divergent outlooks, concerns, and degrees of assimilation. There are the urbanised Armenians of the capital city, Tbilisi (earlier called Tiflis), as well as the more agricultural circle of Armenians residing in the Javakheti region in southwestern Georgia. Notwithstanding their differences, these communities have both helped shape modern Armenian political and cultural identity, and still represent an intrinsic part of the societal fabric in Georgia.

  • 334.
    Blomdahl, Freja
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    SANKTIONER MOT DIKTATURER: Regimtypens betydelse för utfallet av ekonomiska sanktioner2016Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Economic sanctions are frequently used for political objectives in foreign policy in order to coerce other states into a wanted behavior. Economic sanctions are popular due to that they are considered more humane and less costly than military interventions. However, economic sanctions have far from always been successful in inducing policy change.

    Previous studies have shown that variables such as the goal of the sanctions, the cost (both economic and political) and the type of strategy affects the propensity to induce policy change within the target state. It has also been argued that economic sanctions affect democracies and dictatorships differently and that dictatorships are less likely to accept senders’ demands.

    This essay focuses solely on sanctions directed to dictatorships. The aim is to examine whether some dictatorships are more likely to make concessions than others and if it is possible to get an enhanced understanding of the role of regime types when assessing the effects of economic sanctions. Based on previous research, four variables are examined; repression, structure of the leadership, personalism and dogmatic goal.

    The analysis is conducted by a quantitative study with a sample of 95 cases of implemented economic sanctions towards dictatorships. The result of the study indicates that personalism and dogmatic goal affects the propensity of making concessions negatively. The level of repression and structure of leadership do not seem to affect the likelihood of making concessions in a substantial way.

    The significant variables, personalism and dogmatic goal, are used to categorize dictatorships in order to examine whether the propensity of concessions differ among different dictatorial regimes. The result indicates that the effectiveness of economic sanctions differ among dictatorial regimes especially among dictatorships that either have both or none of the variables personalism and dogmatic goal. Sanctions directed to dictatorial regimes with a personalist leader and a dogmatic goal have been least successful among the observations included in the study.

  • 335.
    Blomkvist, Hans
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Languages, Department of Asian and African Languages.
    The Other Side of the Coin: The Power of Electricity2006Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 336.
    Blomkvist, Hans
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Widmalm, Sten
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Indias demokratiske paradoks1992In: Internasjonal Politikk, ISSN 0020-577X, Vol. 50, no 4, 421-430 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 337. Blomkvist, Hans
    et al.
    Widmalm, Sten
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Democracy in India1992Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 338.
    Blomqvist, Fredrik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    FÖRESTÄLLNINGAR OCH INTRESSEN: En fallstudie utifrån Advocacy Coalition Framework av en lokal policyprocess om expropriation2016Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This paper examines the viability of the Advocacy Coalition Framework(ACF) by applying it in a single case study. The aim is to advance the framework’s theoretical understanding of the policy process and its usefulness for analyzing local policy contexts. The case addressed is a long-spun policy conflict regarding the use of compulsory acquisition of real estate by a Swedish municipality for the sake of local business development. Analyzed data consisted of the municipality diary on the issue, correspondence between actors, public statements, official and internal documents and interviews with actors and non-actors. The ACF is a good starting point for understanding this local policy process, largely because of the great flexibility of its concepts. However, its basic assumptions on beliefs cannot fully explain observed events. Relating to this, the paper has five main findings. First, although beliefs play an important role in forming policy action, so does interests. Second, a conjunction of beliefs and self-interest is an important condition for some actors’ actions. Third, coalition formation is not dependent on similarity of beliefs but on similarity of policy objectives. Fourth, policy objectives are resultant of beliefs for some actors, of self-interest for others and for yet others the result of both. Therefore, actors in coalition act to achieve the same policy objectives but not necessarily for the same reasons. Fifth, one non-actor refrained from policy action in spite of strong policy core beliefs due to the policy process not being a zero sum game for this non-actor. This paper supports recent studies proposing the incorporation of interests into the ACF. For further development of the ACF the paper suggests further research to answer two generic questions: What is the relationship betweeninterests and beliefs? Are potential actors more likely to take policy action inzero sum game policy processes? For the ACF to cope with certain conditionsin local contexts the paper suggest further research into the question: Is the level of abstraction of policy issues key in understanding the involvement of legal and natural persons and their basis for policy action?

  • 339.
    Blomqvist, Paula
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Sjukvårdsreformer i Polen och Tjeckien: varför så olika framgång?2005In: Nordisk Öst-forum, ISSN 0801-7220, Vol. 19, no 4, 443-454 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 340.
    Blomqvist, Paula
    statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mot en europeisk sjukvårdspolitik?:  2004In: EU, välfärden och skatterna / [ed] Gustavsson, S, Oxelhielm, L och Wahl, N., Stockholm: Santérus , 2004Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 341.
    Blomqvist, Paula
    Department of Political Science, Columbia University.
    Ideas and Policy Convergence: Health Care Reforms in the Netherlands and Sweden in the 1990s2002Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 342.
    Blomqvist, Paula
    statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Boundaries of Welfare. European Integration and the New Spatial Politics of Social Protection. Mauritizio Ferrera.2006In: International Social Security Review, ISSN 0020-871X, E-ISSN 1468-246X, Vol. 5, no 3Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 343.
    Blomqvist, Paula
    et al.
    statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Andersen, Karen
    Immergut, Ellen
    Sweden: Markets within Politics2008In: Public and private Social Policy: Health and Pension Politics in a New Era / [ed] Béland, D. and Gran, B, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillian , 2008Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 344.
    Blomqvist, Paula
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Bergman, Patrik
    Regionalisation Nordic Style: Will Regions in Sweden Threaten Local Democracy?2010In: Local Government Studies, ISSN 0300-3930, Vol. 36, no 1, 43-74 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Governance in the Nordic countries has a highly local character. Most public services are provided by locally elected bodies that enjoy a high degree of autonomy in relation to political institutions at the national level. In recent years, questions about the appropriate size of local government have re-surfaced, prompted, at least in part, by the current trend towards regionalisation within the EU. In this paper we investigate empirically the question of whether regionalisation in the Nordic setting can be said to reduce the democratic quality of governance in the area of health care. We do so by comparing conditions for democracy in a provincial governing unit (a so-called county council) in Sweden, with an average size of about 260,000 inhabitants, with those in a newly created region, populated by 1.5 million. We ask, thus, if it is true that governance in the smaller unit, i.e. the county council, is more democratic than in the region, and, if so, in what way? Our results point to that there is in fact little difference in democratic conditions between the region and the county council; a result that can be attributed to the fact that local institutions for decision-making and citizen participation were carefully re-constructed when Swedish county councils were amalgamated into regions. Hence, we conclude that institutions that facilitate direct democratic participation, such as the right of citizens to attend assembly meetings or submit proposals to the assembly are probably more important for the democratic quality of governance than size. 'Small' is not always more beautiful, at least not in democratic terms.

  • 345.
    Blomqvist, Paula
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Rothstein, Bo
    Välfärdsstatens nya ansikte: Demokrati och marknadsstyrning inom den offentliga sektorn2000Book (Other scientific)
  • 346.
    Blomqvist, Paula
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Winblad, Ulrika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Medicine and Pharmacy, Faculty of Medicine, Department of Public Health and Caring Sciences, Health Services Research.
    Sweden: Continued Marketization within a Universalist System2014In: Health Care Systems in Europe under Austerity: Institutional Reforms and Performance / [ed] Emmanuele Pavolini, Ana M. Guillén, Palgrave Macmillan , 2014, 1, 9-30 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 347.
    Blomén, Victoria
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Representing group interests: A study on the substantive representation of women and minority groups in the Jordanian House of Representatives2017Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In the world today there is a tendency that women and minority groups are under-represented in political decision-making. In order to come to terms with the under-representation of women and minorities many countries are taking measures to increase the number of women and minority representatives. However,there is an ongoing debate on whether increased number of group representatives lead to increased representation of group interests. The question is if women and minority representatives are more responsive to their respective group’s interests compared to other representatives. In this study, I have conducted asurvey with members of the Jordanian House of Representatives in order to investigate whether women and minority representatives are more responsive to their respective group’s interests compared to other representatives. The survey has been designed to capture representatives’ priorities and attitudes towards certain policy areas and issues. The results from the survey show that women and minority representatives to a certain extent are more responsive to their respective group’s interests compared to other representatives, indicating that an increased number of women and minority representatives would lead to increased representation of women and minority interests. Furthermore,this study finds that female representatives are more responsive to women’s interests when it comes to priorities than when it comes to attitudes, whereas representatives from the Christian minority are more responsive to Christian issues when it comes to attitudes than when it comes to priorities. These results indicate that there are differences between different groups when it comes to the representation of their groups’ interests. Thus, research on one group might not be directly transferable to other groups.

  • 348.
    Blondel, Ylva Isabelle
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research. Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Do spectacular events lead to changes in expectations?: Television media coverage acts of terror and France’s security agenda2004Conference paper (Other (popular scientific, debate etc.))
  • 349.
    Bocquet, Brian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Dominant Ideology and Racism in the French Media: a Critical Discourse Analysis on the Case of the Denaturalization Law2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study focuses on how minorities are stigmatized in the French media. It limits itself to the case of the proposal of the denaturalization law and the consequent discourse about it. The subject is introduced through a short background on the law and its relevance to the possible racist nature of the debate, followed by some background on racism in France, an overview of the theory on new racism and how it can explain stigmatizating discourses. Critical Discourse Analysis is used as the method to uncover said discourses as it is a method related to the in-depth analysis of implicit dominant ideologies and power-structures. The study analyzes twenty articles from two French newspapers in order to determine how stigmatizing discourses are expressed. The results in the discussion show recurrent racist narratives that systematically denigrate and stereotype Muslims and immigrants. They also show a pattern of the dominant culture negating space to minorities.

  • 350.
    Bogg, Anna
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    China and India as humanitarian donors: A regional case study in Southeast Asia2015Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
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