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  • 301.
    Berry, Tom
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    ”¡Sí se Puede!”: En kvalitativ studie av Ernesto Laclaus idémässiga influenser på Podemos politiska diskurs och organisation2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Den här uppsatsen studerar vilka likheter som finns mellan det spanska partiet Podemos och Ernesto Laclaus teorier om populism. De specifika aspekter av Podemos jag prövar Laclaus teorier emot är partiets politiska diskurs och deras organisation. Bakgrunden till undersökningsämnet är att tidigare forskning visat att Podemos är influerade av Laclau idémässigt, både gällande deras diskurs och organisation. Uppsatsens materialinsamling har utgått från en dimensionsanalys. Denna analysteknik bygger på att idéer som representeras av Laclau har placerats i ena änden av en dimension. På den andra sidan av dimensionen återfinns det som jag definierat som motsatsen till hans idéer. Materialet som studerats är Podemos partiprogram, deras representanters uttalanden och längre reportage och böcker skrivna om partiet. Resultatet i min undersökning visar att det finns tydliga likheter mellan Laclaus idéer om populism och Podemos, men att de också skiljer sig åt. När det gäller Podemos politiska diskurs råder en hög grad av överensstämmelse med Laclaus teorier. Resultatet visar emellertid också att Podemos delvis avviker från Laclaus idéer om hur den politiska diskursen ska formeras. Den delen av min undersökning som är riktad mot partiets organisation visar en svagare grad av överrensstämmelse med Laclaus idéer, men innehåller också likheter med hans tankar.

  • 302.
    Bertrand, Gilles
    et al.
    European Commission.
    Michalski, Anna
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Pench, Lucio
    European Commission.
    Europe 2010: Cinq scénarios1999In: Futuribles, ISSN 0337-307X, no 246, 5-23 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [fr]

    La Cellule de prospective de la Commission européenne, créée en 1989 et placée sous la responsabilité directe du président de la Commission, a élaboré cinq scénarios contrastés ayant pour objet de décrire autant de futurs possibles pour l'Europe (entendue au sens large) à l'horizon 2010. Les principaux artisans de ces scénarios nous les présentent ici brièvement non sans avoir, au préalable, rappelé les vertus et les limites d'un tel exercice. Son objet ne saurait être en effet de décrire (pré-dire) ce que sera l'Europe en 2010. Il vise davantage à illustrer, à l'aide de cinq images cohérentes, synthétiques et plausibles, le spectre des possibles, les facteurs et acteurs dont le rôle peut être déterminant. À chaque scénario correspond une image finale qui est ici brièvement résumée : - Le scénario 1 "Le triomphe des marchés", se caractérise, comme son nom l'indique, par le règne absolu du libéralisme économique et du libre-échange. L'Europe - quel qu'en soit le périmètre - ne se distingue guère du reste du monde ne formant plus qu'un unique marché planétaire. - Le scénario 2 "Les Cent Fleurs", est marqué au contraire par la paralysie croissante (et la corruption) des grandes institutions tant publiques que privées, le repli des Européens sur le microlocal et l'économie informelle, la multiplication des initiatives sans aucune logique d'ensemble. - Le scénario 3 "Responsabilités partagées", repose sur l'hypothèse d'une métamorphose du secteur public qui, dans une conjoncture économique favorable, orchestre une politique sociale et industrielle renouvelée. - Le scénario 4 "Les sociétés de création", se caractérise aussi par une transformation profonde de nos systèmes économiques et politiques sous le sceau, cette fois, de valeurs privilégiant la protection de l'environnement et le développement humain. Il incarne un nouvel humanisme sur fond de développement durable, ouvre la voie à "une renaissance immatérielle planétaire". - Le scénario 5 "Voisinages turbulents", décrit une Europe allégée en proie à un environnement géopolitique immédiat perturbé, à l'est comme au sud, par le développement de tensions et de conflits qui entraîne la création d'un Conseil européen de sécurité tout entier absorbé par des préoccupations de sécurité et de défense. Nous le voyons: les raisons de craindre et d'espérer sont nombreuses. L'invitation adressée aux Européens de prendre en main leur avenir ne peut guère être plus claire.

  • 303.
    Bertrand, Gilles
    et al.
    European Commission.
    Michalski, Anna
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Europe Institute, University of Auckland, New Zealand.
    Pench, Lucio
    European Commission.
    European Futures: Five Possible Scenarios for 20102000Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This book is an innovative and highly original exercise in scenario building, the aim of which is to investigate the future of Europe. The scenarios investigated by the authors include ‘triumphant markets’, ‘turbulent neighbourhoods’, ‘the hundred flowers’, ‘shared responsibilities’ and ‘creative societies’. These are five coherent and thought-provoking images of Europe in 2010. Rather than present a definitive picture of the future of Europe, the authors highlight the range of possible futures, and the factors and actors that are likely to shape them. Written in a narrative style, the scenarios are grounded in a rigorous analysis of the main trends affecting Europe’s future, including demography, technology, globalisation and post-modernity.

  • 304.
    Bessonov, Serguei
    et al.
    Veliky Novgorod Peoples University.
    Shvedchikov, Boris
    Veliky Novgorod Peoples University.
    Repkin, Denis
    Veliky Novgorod Peoples University.
    7. Democratic development in Veliky Novgorod2003In: Public Participation and Democracy: Reports from the Superbs project / [ed] Lars Rydén, Uppsala: Baltic University Press , 2003, 1, 45-52 p.Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [en]

    Two roads to promote the development of a democratic culture in Veliky Novgorod in post-Soviet Russia are described. The development of home owner partnerships in the city means privatisation of apartment houses which previously were state property. This required considerable support from city administration to establish both funding, loan and proper economic and administrative routines. Educational programmes were run to develop the competence needed among those to work in the new partnerships. Responsibility for the houses as well as surrounding territory resulted in considerably improved housing conditions. These included effective sharing of common property, better and cheaper maintenance and services, and a better social situation. Secondly the creation of a folk high school or "Peoples university" in Novgorod, in cooperation with the Swedish city of Örebro, is described. Also here the focus is on democratisation especially in practical life. The subjects studied include new communication technologies, foreign languages, and political education. The promotion of culture is important. The education also has a goal to promote employment, e.g. in public health, services or environmental work.

  • 305.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet .
    A basic income for all: crazy or essential?2017In: OUP blogArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 306.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Basic Income2016In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, Oxford University Press , 2016, 1-30 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The idea that states should provide a means-tested guaranteed minimum income for citizens who are unable to meet their basic needs is widely shared and has been a central component in the evolution of social citizenship rights in existing welfare states. However, an increasing number of activists and scholars defend the more radical option of establishing a universal basic income, that is, an unconditional income paid to all members of society on an individual basis without any means test or work requirement. Indeed, some political philosophers have argued that basic income is one of the most important reforms in the development of a just and democratic society, comparable to other milestones in the history of citizenship rights, such as universal suffrage or even the abolishment of slavery. Basic income or similar ideas, such as a basic capital or a negative income tax, have been advanced in many versions since the 18th century in different parts of the world and under a great variety of names. However, while these were previously often isolated and disconnected initiatives, basic income has more recently become the object of an increasingly cumulative research effort to shed light on the many aspects of this idea. It has also inspired policy developments and given rise to experiments and pilot projects in several countries.

  • 307.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Basic Income Reconsidered: Social Justice, Liberalism, and the Demands of Equality2012 (ed. 1)Book (Refereed)
  • 308.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Basinkomst - ett instrument för rättvisa och hållbarhet?2013In: Ekonomisk Debatt, ISSN 0345-2646, Vol. 41, no 6, 17-27 p.Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    När förslaget om basinkomst fördes fram i europeisk debatt i mitten av 1980-talet framstod det för många som en obskyr och politiskt utsiktslös idé. Under senare år har emellertid tanken om en allmän och villkorsfri inkomstgaranti väckt allt större intresse i det vetenskapliga samtalet. Samtidigt har den stått i centrum för pilotprojekt i olika delar av världen. I denna artikel introducerar jag centrala teman i denna forskning och argumenterar för att diskussionen om basinkomst har utvecklats till en värdefull inspirationskälla i debatten om den generella välfärdens framtid.

  • 309.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Environmental co-governance, legitimacy, and the quest for compliance: When and why is stakeholder participation desirable?2016In: Journal of Environmental Policy and Planning, ISSN 1523-908X, E-ISSN 1522-7200, Vol. 18, no 3, 306-323 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Deliberative forms of stakeholder participation have been widely embraced as a key measure for addressing legitimacy deficits and non-compliance in environmental governance. However, the great significance of such collaborative structures for state-stakeholder interaction is much too often accepted uncritically as an established truth in the environmental policy discourse. Building on examples from the literature on fisheries co-governance, this article constructs a conceptual and normative framework for interpreting and assessing such views about co-governance, legitimacy and compliance. Analysing central claims in this discourse in relation to different concepts and standards of legitimacy helps us identify and distinguish many powerful reasons to welcome co-governance. However, the article defends the need to do so cautiously and reflectively. It is conceptually misleading to suggest that more intense forms of co-governance will generally improve the overall level of social legitimacy and, thereby, compliance rates among stakeholders. Furthermore, it is argued that the democratic value of co-governance is not fundamental. The democratic desirability of such arrangements should be primarily assessed on instrumental-pragmatic grounds, focusing on their capacity to serve the wider ideals of equal citizenship and public reason.

  • 310.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Introduction: Basic Income, Sustainability and Post-Productivism2010In: Basic Income Studies, ISSN 1932-0183, E-ISSN 1932-0183, Vol. 4, no 2, Art 3-1-7 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 311.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Just Distribution: Rawlsian Liberalism and the Politics of Basic Income2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Should liberal egalitarians endorse the idea of an unconditional basic income for all? This thesis defends a politics of unconditional universalism, offering a liberty-respecting and non-perfectionist basis for maximin-guided policies. The argument starts off from a Rawlsian justification of basic income in the context of institutional ideal theory. This view is based on the aim of maximising the prospects of the least advantaged in ways consistent with a robust protection of people’s effective freedom, the social bases of self-respect and access to meaningful activities at each stage of their lives.

    The thesis then moves on to specify such a position in response to objections based on ideas of fair cooperation and strong reciprocity. Linking John Rawls’ arguments on property-owning democracy to Philippe Van Parijs’ case for ‘gift-equalisation’, the study defends the view that a basic income is not inherently exploitative or beyond the scope of justice. To the extent that unconditional universalism is tied to the idea of sharing gift-like resources, it is just a matter of distributing wealth to which nobody has a justified prior claim, not an unfair redistribution of labour income.

    Introducing a problem of feasibility, however, the thesis also argues that unconditional wealth sharing may fail to meet liberal commitments and to counter structural exploitation unless constrained by other requirements of justice. The latter include a minimal autonomy constraint on maximin-objectives and the set of in kind transfers and social infrastructure needed to foster the activities and virtues on which the stability of this ideal relies. The thesis concludes with a study on the application of such standards to real-world conditions. It is argued that policy options combining a modest basic income with work-based social insurance and universal access to social services are more promising than strategies where a high basic income would replace core components of the welfare state.

  • 312.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Medborgarlön2013In: NE.se, Malmö: Nationalencyklopedin , 2013Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 313.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Radical liberalism, Rawls and the welfare state: Justifying the politics of basic income2010In: Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, ISSN 1369-8230, E-ISSN 1743-8772, Vol. 13, no 4, 495-516 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In response to recent policy trends towards linking social rights more tightly to work requirements, this article argues that those sharing Rawlsian commitments have good reasons to prefer a radical-liberal policy agenda with a universal basic income at its core. Compared to its main rivals in present policy debates, the politics of basic income has greater potential to promote the economic life prospects of the least advantaged in a way that provides a robust protection for the bases of social recognition and non-subservience. The argument seeks to establish that these concerns should be ascribed priority in the most plausible balancing of Rawlsian objectives and that doing so generates a strong case for basic income. As recent arguments for basic income have suggested that Rawls' theory is insufficient to make the case for such a reform, this analysis also demonstrates that a powerful argument for basic income can be built on Rawlsian foundations alone.

  • 314.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Review of Daniel Raventós' Basic Income: The Material Conditions of Freedom2008In: Basic Income Studies, Vol. 3, no 2Article, book review (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 315.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Review of "Frank Lovett, A General Theory of Domination and Justice"2012In: Basic Income Studies, ISSN 1932-0183, E-ISSN 1932-0183, Vol. 7, no 1Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 316.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Self-Ownership, Liberal Neutrality, and the Realm of Freedom: New Reflections on the Justification of Basic Income2013In: Jurisprudence, ISSN 2040-3313, E-ISSN 2040-3321, Vol. 4, no 2, 344-357 p.Article, review/survey (Refereed)
  • 317.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Should surfers be ostracized?: Basic income, liberal neutrality, and the work ethos2011In: Politics, Philosophy and Economics, ISSN 1470-594X, E-ISSN 1741-3060, Vol. 10, no 4, 396-419 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Neutralists have argued that there is something illiberal about linking access to gift-like resources to work requirements.  The central liberal motivation for basic income is to provide greater freedom to choose between different ways of life, including  options attaching great importance to non-market activities and disposable time. As argued by Philippe Van Parijs, even those  spending their days surfing should be fed. This article examines Van Parijs' dual commitment to a ‘real libertarian’ justification of basic income and the public enforcement of a strong work ethos, which serves to boost the volume of work at a given rate of taxation. It is argued (contra Van Parijs) that this alliance faces the neutrality objection: the work ethos will largely offset the liberal gains of unconditionality by radically restricting the set of permissible options available. A relaxed, non-obligatory ethos might avoid this implication. This view, however, is vulnerable to the structural exploitation objection: feasibility is achieved only because some choose to do necessary tasks to which most people have the same aversion. In light of these objections, the article examines whether there is a morally untainted feasibility path consistent with liberal objectives.                 

  • 318.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Theories of the welfare state2013In: Encyclopedia of Modern Political Thought / [ed] Gregory Claeys, Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications , 2013, 857-861 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 319.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Två föreställningar om jämlikhet: Om rättvisa, självrespekt och välfärdspolitik2010In: Tidsskrift for velferdsforskning, ISSN 0809-2052, E-ISSN 2464-3076, Vol. 13, no 2, 70-82 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 320.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Welfare Contractualism, Social Justice, and Republican Citizenship2015In: New Contractualism in European Welfare State Policies / [ed] Rune Ervik, Nanna Kildal, Even Nilssen, Farnham: Ashgate , 2015, 17-46 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 321.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Bodin, Örjan
    Stockholms universitet, Stockholm Resilience Centre.
    Sandström, Annica
    Tracing the sources of legitimacy: the impact of deliberation in participatory natural resource management2015In: Policy sciences, ISSN 0032-2687, E-ISSN 1573-0891, Vol. 48, no 4, 443-461 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    It is widely assumed that stakeholder participation has great potential to improve the perceived legitimacy of natural resource management (NRM) and that the deliberative-democratic qualities of participatory procedures are central to the prospects of success. However, attempts to measure the actual effects of deliberation on the perceived legitimacy of participatory NRM are rare. This article examines the links between deliberation and legitimacy in participatory NRM empirically by tracing the determinants of stakeholders' level of policy support and their views about procedural fairness. The study uses statistical methods to analyse survey data from a state-led initiative to develop new plans for ecosystem-based coastal and marine management through a participatory approach in five coastal areas in Sweden. We find that the perceived quality of deliberation had a positive impact on these aspects of legitimacy. However, both policy support and perceived procedural fairness were mainly driven by instrumental-substantive considerations rather than deliberative-democratic qualities of the process.

  • 322.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    De Wispelaere, Jurgen
    Basic Income in the Capitalist Economy: The Mirage of "Exit" from Employment2016In: Basic Income Studies, ISSN 1932-0183, E-ISSN 1932-0183, Vol. 11, no 1, 61-74 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A widespread argument in the basic income debate is that the unconditional entitlement to a secure income floor improves workers’ bargaining position vis-a-vis their employers. Basic income effectively grants all (potential) workers an exit option from an employment relation that fails to take her interests into account. It gives them the “power to say no”, as argued by Karl Widerquist. Surprisingly, given its importance, the exit argument itself has not been subjected to much systematic analysis by basic income advocates. In this paper we critically examine the exit argument and suggest that, under current economic conditions, an exit strategy might end up worsening rather than strengthening the opportunity set and bargaining position of the most vulnerable workers.

  • 323.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Addressing Fear and Injustice to Create an East Asian Culture of Peace2015In: Global Asia, ISSN 1553-1392, E-ISSN 1976-068X, Vol. 10, no 4Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 324.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gender, Informal Institutions and Political Recruitment: Explaining Male Dominance in Parliamentary Representation2015 (ed. 2)Book (Refereed)
  • 325.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gender, Informal Institutions and Political Recruitment: Explaining Male Dominance in Parliamentary Representation2013Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Parliaments around the world are still overwhelmingly populated by men, yet studies of male dominance are much rarer than are studies of female under-representation. In this book, men in politics are the subjects of a gendered analysis. How do men manage to hold on to positions of power despite societal trends in the opposite direction? And why do men seek to cooperate mainly with other men? Elin Bjarnegård studies how male networks are maintained and expanded and seeks to improve our understanding of the rationale underlying male dominance in politics. The findings build on results both from statistical analyses of parliamentary composition worldwide and from extensive field work in Thailand. A new concept, homosocial capital, is coined and developed to help us understand the persistence of male political dominance.

  • 326.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gendered Parties: Making the male norm visible in Thai Politics2010In: Gendered inequalities in Asia: Configuring, contesting and recognizing women and men / [ed] Helle Rydstrøm, Copenhagen: NIAS Press , 2010, 223-251 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 327.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Gender Research.
    Men in Politics: Revisiting Patterns of Gendered Parliamentary Representation in Thailand and Beyond2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Male parliamentary dominance, rather than the corresponding female parliamentary underrepresentation, is the object of study in this thesis. This shift in focus implies a gendered analysis centered on men and men’s practices. The thesis contributes to our understanding of how male dominance is maintained and reinvented by empirically studying male parliamentary dominance in clientelist settings. Worldwide trends of parliamentary representation are analyzed statistically and constitute the starting-point for a case study of male political networks in Thailand.

    Clientelism is a strategy used by political actors to increase predictability in politically unpredictable settings. The thesis shows that clientelism is an informal political practice that requires the building and maintenance of large and localized networks to help distribute services, goods and/or money in exchange for political support. Where political parties also use candidate selection procedures that are informal, exclusive and localized, there are ample openings for clientelist practices to translate into political power and ultimately parliamentary seats.

    This study also coins and develops a new concept: homosocial capital. It shows that clientelist networks are and continue to be male dominated because homosocial capital, a political capital accessible only to men, is needed for electoral success. Homosocial capital has two main components: a perceived pragmatic necessity to build linkages to those with access to important resources in society and a more psychological desire to cooperate with individuals whose behavior can be understood, predicted and trusted.

  • 328.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Gender Research.
    Reluctant Tigers: Economic Growth, Erratic Democratization Processes and Continuing Political Gender Inequality in Southeast Asia2008In: Globalization and Its Counter-forces in Southeast Asia, Singapore: ISEAS , 2008Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 329.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Gender Research.
    Thailand: Approaches to the Gender Paradox2009In: Women and Politics around the World: A Comparative History and Survey, Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO , 2009, 623-642 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 330.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Thailand och den konstanta föränderligheten2010In: Prometokrati: Mellan diktatur och demokrati / [ed] Sten Widmalm och Sven Oskarsson, Lund: Studentlitteratur , 2010, 171-196 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 331.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The development of a field: gender, politics and Joni Lovenduski2015In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, Vol. 14, no 3, 361-363 p.Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 332.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Varför har männen fortfarande makten?2013In: Statsvetenskapens frågor / [ed] Li Bennich-Björkman, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2013, 135-142 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 333.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Who's the Perfect Politician?: Clientelism as a determining feature of Thai politics2013In: Party Politics in Southeast Asia: Clientelism and Electoral Competition in Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines / [ed] Dirk Tomsa and Andreas Ufen, Abington, Oxon: Routledge, 2013, 142-162 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 334.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kenny, Meryl
    Univ Edinburgh, Sch Social & Polit Sci, Edinburgh EH8 9YL, Midlothian, Scotland.
    Comparing Candidate Selection: A Feminist Institutionalist Approach2016In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 51, no 3, 370-392 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This contribution evaluates the theoretical and methodological challenges ofresearching the gendered dynamics of candidate selection in comparativeperspective. It argues that comparative studies should take into account not only thegendered nature of political parties and their wider institutional context, but mustalso investigate the informal aspects of the selection process and their genderedconsequences. The article explores these dynamics by revisiting original in-depthresearch on the candidate selection process in two different settings – Thailand andScotland. Using a common analytical framework, the article reflects on this workand points to two key aspects of the interaction between formal and informal rules –the gendered consequences of informal party recruitment and of local influenceover candidate selection – which are critically important for understanding thecontinuity of male political dominance and female under-representation. The articleconcludes by outlining a research agenda for comparative work on gender, institutionsand candidate selection and pointing to future directions for work in this area.

  • 335.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kenny, Meryl
    University of Edinburgh.
    Revealing the “Secret Garden": The Informal Dimensions of Political Recruitment2015In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 11, no 4, 748-753 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Candidate selection and recruitment has been notably described as the “secret garden” of politics—an obscure process, often hidden from view, that is regulated largely by internal party rules, informal practices, and power relationships (cf. Gallagher and Marsh 1988). In this contribution, we contend that informal party practices and their gendered consequences are critically important for understanding the continuity of male political dominance and female underrepresentation. Rather than make a strict separation between formal and informal rules in the recruitment process, we argue that gender politics scholars must instead identify and empirically investigate the specific combinations of such rules that impact upon women's and men's political participation in parties. The proposed approach allows for a more nuanced understanding of the bounded nature and variable outcomes of institutional innovation and party change.

  • 336.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kreutz, JoakimUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Debating the East Asian Peace2017Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 337.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kreutz, Joakim
    Department of Political Science, Stockholm University.
    Debating the East Asian Peace: What it is. How it came about. Will it last?2017Book (Refereed)
  • 338.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame, USA.
    Disentangling gender, peace and democratization: the negative effects of militarized masculinity2011In: Journal of Gender Studies, ISSN 0958-9236, E-ISSN 1465-3869, Vol. 20, no 2, 139-154 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates, both theoretically and empirically, the relationships between democratization, gender equality and peace. We argue that there is a need to scrutinize both the level of democracy as well as the level of masculine hegemony in societies. Methodologically, we use a combination of quantitative and qualitative analyses to support our argument. We employ regression analysis to show that the relationship between the extent of democracy and the representation of women in politics appears, at first glance, to be non-existent but turns out to be a curvi-linear one. We also show that democracy can facilitate peace, but only in interaction with the level of political gender equality, so that more democratic societies are more peaceful only if there have been moves to gender equality. Our interpretation of these findings is illustrated by the contemporary politics of Thailand. Recent political violence in southern Thailand can be accounted for in the context of it being only partly democratized, where a culture of militarized masculinity persists alongside with, and even within, democratic institutions. Such a culture makes it both difficult for women to enter the political sphere, despite democratic elections, and fosters political violence.

  • 339.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Pacific Men: How Attitudes to Gender Equality Explain Hostility2017In: The Pacific Review, ISSN 0951-2748, E-ISSN 1470-1332, Vol. 30, no 4, 478-493 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The gender gap in attitudes to foreign policy is well established in public opinion literature. Studies have repeatedly reported that women tend to be more peacefuland less militaristic than men. This article reexamines attitudes of individuals inrelation to foreign policy and pits the gender gap against the largely forgotten feminist gap. We argue that the individual-level relationship between gender equality attitudes on the one hand, and tolerance and benevolence on the other, is underresearched,but also that key contributions about the effects of feminism have beenmostly ignored in research on the gender gap in public opinion. We return to the notion of a causal relationship between gender equality attitudes, and peaceful attitudes, and of a feminist gap that also exists among men. In a series of novel empirical tests, we demonstrate that attitudes to gender equality, not biological sex, explain attitudes towards other nationalities and religious groups. Using individual level survey data from five countries around the Pacific: China, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, and the United States of America, we show that both men and women who reject gender equality are much more hostile both to other nations and to minorities in their own country.

    The full text will be freely available from 2018-07-18 02:00
  • 340.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Revisiting Representation: Communism, Women in Politics, and the Decline of Armed Conflict in East Asia2013In: International Interactions, ISSN 0305-0629, E-ISSN 1547-7444, Vol. 39, no 4, 558-574 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This research note evaluates one of the commonly used measurements for political gender equality: representation of women in parliaments. It demonstrates that caution is called for when interpreting results where this variable is used, because parliamentary representation implies different things in different settings. Societies with more women in parliament tend to have fewer intrastate armed conflicts. We investigate this statistical association with a particular focus on East Asia. This region has seen a shift from extremely intense warfare to low levels of battle deaths at roughly the same time as great strides have been made in the representation of women in parliaments. This research note shows, however, that this statistical association is driven by authoritarian communist regimes promoting gender equality as a part of communist ideology, and these countries’ representative chambers have little influence over politics. Using statistical tests and empirical illustrations from East Asia, the note concludes that the political representation of women is an invalid indicator of political gender equality in East Asia. There is thus a need for nuance in assessing the picture painted in earlier research. In addition, the suggestion that more women in parliament will lead to fewer armed conflicts runs the risk of being forwarded as an oversimplified solution to a complex problem, and we briefly discuss the instrumentalization of gender equality in peace and security studies.

  • 341.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Thailand's Missing Democrats: Reds, Yellows, and the Silent Majority2014In: Foreign Affairs, ISSN 0015-7120, no 22 MayArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 342.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Women’s participation and peace?: The decline of armed conflict in East Asia2015In: Gender, Peace and Security: Implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1325 / [ed] Louise Olsson, Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2015, 19-36 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 343. Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Melander, Erik
    Bardall, Gabrielle
    Brounéus, Karen
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Johansson, Karin
    Muvumba Sellström, Angela
    Olsson, Louise
    Gender, Peace, and Armed Conflict2015In: SIPRI Yearbook 2015: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security / [ed] SIPRI, Stockholm: SIPRI , 2015Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 344.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Bardall, Gabrielle
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Johansson, Karin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Muvumba Sellström, Angela
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Olsson, Louise
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gender, peace and armed conflict2015In: SIPRI Yearbook 2015: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security / [ed] Ian Davis, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015, 101-109 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 345.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Tønnesson, Stein
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Why So Much Conflict in Thailand?2015In: Thammasat Review, ISSN 0859-5747, Vol. 18, no 1, 132-161 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Thailand has since 2004 formed an exception to the general peace trend in East Asia. An insurgency in its deep south has cost several thousand lives. Thailand has also engaged in a deadly border conflict with Cambodia and there have been violent incidents in Bangkok, as part of a polarized struggle for power between bitterly opposed political factions. Why does Thailand go against the regional grain? We seek an explanation to the Thai exception by investigating to what extent the southern conflict, the border dispute and the struggle over government are causally interlinked. The latter, we suggest, has been the determining factor, and the main explanation for the upsurge of conflict in Thailand is the lack of civilian control with the military, which has weakened state capacity and made it possible to topple elected governments in coups, court decisions and street-based campaigns.

  • 346.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gender Equality Reforms on an Uneven Playing Field: Candidate Selection and Quota Implementation in Electoral Authoritarian Tanzania2016In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 51, no 3, 464-486 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the dynamics that gender quota reforms create withinand between government and opposition parties in electoral authoritariandominant-party states. A dominant-party state regularly holds relativelycompetitive elections, but the political playing field is skewed in favour of thegovernment party. We investigate the circumstances under which genderquotas’ goal of furthering political gender equality within political parties canbe reconciled with parties’ electoral concerns. We address these issues byanalysing the implementation of reserved seats by the three largest parties inthe dominant-party state of Tanzania. The empirical analysis suggests that theuneven playing field leaves an imprint on the specific priorities parties makewhen implementing candidate selection reforms. Because of large resource gapsbetween parties, the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi – (CCM), is able toreconcile gender equality concerns with power-maximizing partisan strategies toa greater extent than the opposition parties.

  • 347.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Political Parties and Gender Quota Implementation: The Role of Bureaucratized Candidate Selection Processes2016In: Comparative politics, ISSN 0010-4159, E-ISSN 2151-6227, Vol. 48, no 3, 393-417 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article scrutinizes the role of political parties in gender quota implementation. First, it theoretically specifies and operationalizes the concept of bureaucratization in relation to candidate selection. Second, it examines whether parties with bureaucratized selection procedures are better at implementing legally mandated candidate quotas than other parties. We measure implementation as the number of women candidates and women elected (the latter measuring implementation of the spirit of quota laws). Using unique data on almost 100 Latin American parties, the analysis shows that once quotas are in place, parties with bureaucratized selection procedures put substantially more women on their candidate lists than other parties. However, these parties are only better at implementing the letter of the law: they do not get more women elected.

  • 348.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Removing Quotas, Maintaining Representation: Overcoming Gender Inequalities in Political Party Recruitment2011In: Representation: Journal of Representative Democracy, ISSN 0034-4893, E-ISSN 1749-4001, Vol. 47, no 2, 187-199 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Gender quotas are often referred to as temporary measures to be removed once the barriers for women's political representation have permanently been broken. This article explores theoretically the potential for different quota types to be removed whilst maintaining a high level of women's representation. We find that implemented party/legislative quotas with rank order specifications is the quota type that is most likely to both increase women's numerical representation and to reform political parties' practices in a gender-equal way.

  • 349.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The Impacts of gender Quotas on Candidate Selection Procedures: Towards a Theoretical Framework2009Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 350.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Why are Representational Guarantees Adopted for Women and Minorities?: Comparing Constituency Formation and Electoral Quota Design Within Countries2014In: Representation: Journal of Representative Democracy, ISSN 0034-4893, E-ISSN 1749-4001, Vol. 50, no 3, 307-320 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores the underlying motives for ensuring the political inclusion of marginalised groups. More specifically, it analyses whether laws guaranteeing representation are designed differently for women and minorities and, if so, whether these differences correspond to normative arguments for group representation. We use a novel research strategy by comparing quota designs in all countries that have adopted quotas for both groups. Theoretically, we reconceptualise the relevant distinction between quota types by focusing on whether a special constituency is created or not. We identify substantial differences in quota design between the two groups. Minorities tend to be guaranteed representation through the creation of special constituencies, whereas gender quotas more commonly imply integration into pre-existing constituencies. The analysis largely supports those who argue that quotas for minorities aim to increase the autonomy of the group in question while gender quotas are adopted with the intention to integrate women into the political system.

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