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  • 1.
    Aminga, Vane Moraa
    et al.
    Climate Change and Risk Programme, SIPRI.
    Krampe, Florian
    Climate Change and Risk Programme, SIPRI.
    Climate-related Security Risks and the African Union2020Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    There has been considerable attention on the conventional climate mitigation and adaptation debate in Africa, including the prominent efforts of the African Group of Negotiators on Climate Change in global climate forums. However, there is little understanding of how the African Union (AU) is discussing and responding to the security implications of climate change.

    This Policy Brief outlines key strengths of the African Union’s response, such as a rapidly evolving discourse around climate security and efforts to improve collaboration and coordination among different parts of the institution. But also, key weaknesses in the discourse around AU policy responses, such as the lack of tangible policy operationalization as well as financial unpreparedness and limited member state accountability.

    The Policy Brief makes recommendations highlighting entry points for advancing the understanding and response to climate-related security risks within the AU, such as: (a) develop and institutionalize coordinated responses to climate-related security risks, (b) develop strong climate security leadership within the African Union, and (c) change the narrative to focus on shared problems and therefore shared solutions—multilateralism rather than nationalism.

  • 2. Eklöw, Karolina
    et al.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Climate-related security risks and peacebuilding in Somalia2019Report (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Climate-related security risks are transforming the security landscape in which multilateral peacebuilding efforts take place. This policy paper offers a glimpse into the future of peacebuilding in the time of climate change by providing an in-depth assessment of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM).

    Climate-related change in Somalia has reduced livelihood options and caused migration. It has also left significant parts of the population in a vulnerable condition. These climate-related security risks contribute to grievances and increase inequality and fragility, which in turn pose challenges to the implementation of UNSOM’s mandate.  The impacts of climate change have hindered UNSOM in its work to provide peace and security in Somalia and in its efforts to establish functioning governance and judicial systems.

    UNSOM has responded to the growing impact of climate-related change. It has learned lessons from previous failed responses—notably the 2011 drought—and has created innovative initiatives that have been effective. While there is still room for improvement, UNSOM’s new initiatives may help to deliver a set of responses that meet the short-term need for a rapid humanitarian response and the long-term objective of achieving a sustainable and resilient society.

    The challenges faced by UNSOM and its responses to them have wider implications. They suggest that there is a need for synergetic policy responses that can turn the responses to climate-related security risks into opportunities for UN efforts to sustain peace.

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  • 3.
    Kostic, Roland
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, The Hugo Valentin Centre.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Swain, Ashok
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Science and Technology, För teknisk-naturvetenskapliga fakulteten gemensamma enheter, Uppsala Centre for Sustainable Development.
    Liberal State-building and Environmental Security: The International Community Between Trade-Off and Carelessness2012In: The Security-Development Nexus: Peace, Conflict and Development / [ed] Ramses Amer, Ashok Swain and Joakim Öjendal, London: Anthem Press, 2012, p. 41-64Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Liberal state- and nationbuilding fails to include into its framework of analysis environmental problems of post-conflict societies. Economic development projects such as large hydro projects or open cast mining for lignite, as an element of broader state-building exercise, lead to environmental stress for the communities, and can further exacerbate inter-communal incompatibilities. The case study of statebuilding in Kosovo is used to highlight the complexities of sustaining a peaceful post-conflict situation within the framework of existing peacebuilding model. Moreover, it emphasises that environmental and societal security requirements have to be addressed simultaneously to reduce the risk of reoccurring conflicts. The expectations is that by better understanding of the interaction between societal and environmental security, further valuable conclusion can be drawn about the capacity and limitations of prevailing models to build peace in the aftermath of civil wars.

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  • 4.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Actors in Environmental Peacebuilding: A case study of ownership frames in the UNEP’s environmental peacebuilding policy frameworkArticle in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In contrast to international peacebuilding interventions, global environmental governance is characterized by the inclusiveness of international and domestic non-state actors. Consequently, it may be expected that the UNEP policy framework on environmental peacebuilding would promote a strong for of non-state actors. This article examines the roles of various actors in this policy framework. It analyzes policy frames pertinent to questions of ownership that are embedded in key UNEP reports on environmental peacebuilding. I consider ownership here as an indicator of which actors design, manage and implement environmental peacebuilding policies. The findings suggest that UNEP, which I consider an international state actor, prefers international ownership (as opposed to domestic state or domestic non-state ownership) in their strategy for the sustainable management of natural resources in post-war settings. However, contrary to expectations, the reports showed a notable absence of international non-state actors. This is surprising in light of the global environmental governance discourse, which stresses the importance of involving international non-state in environmental governance. This article discusses characteristics of the reports that may explain the absence in this framework of international non-state actors, as well as domestic state and domestic non-state actors. 

  • 5. Krampe, Florian
    Armed Conflict, Non-State Conflict and One-Sided Violence and its Relation to Climate Change in the Period 1989 – 2008: A commissioned study by the Swedish Defense Research Agency, Stockholm2010Report (Other academic)
  • 6.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Building Sustainable Peace: Understanding the Linkages between Social, Political, and Ecological Processes in Post-War Countries2016Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Post-war countries are among the most difficult policy arenas for international and domestic actors. The challenge is not only to stop violence and prevent violence from rekindling, but moreover to help countries reset their internal relations on a peaceful path. The indirect, long-term effects of wars further exaggerate this challenge. Many of these relate to political and social aspects of post-war countries. Lasting impressions of human rights abuses committed during wars continue to shape the relations among members of societies for decades to come. Both, socio-economic impacts and political impacts challenge the stability of post-war countries for many years. The challenges to public health have been found to be especially severe and affect disproportionately the civilian population of post-war countries. Environmental and climate change exposes post-war populations further to new risks, exaggerating the human costs of war long after active combat has ceased.

    These challenges are not new. The problem, however, is that in practice all these elements are simultaneously happening in today’s peacebuilding interventions. Yet, practitioners as well as researchers remain settled in a silo mentality, focusing only on one aspect at a time. As such they are unaware of the unintended consequences that their focus has on other important processes. The four essays that lie at the heart of this dissertation provide new insight into the linkages between the social, political and ecological processes in post-war societies and how the interactions of different groups of actors are shaping the prospects for peace.

    The argument drawn out in this dissertation is that to build peace we need to acknowledge and understand this long-term interplay of social, political, and ecological processes in post-war countries. It will be crucial to understand the potential and dynamics of natural resources and environmental issues in this context. As the essays in this dissertation show, the interactions of these processes divisively shape the post-war landscape. It is therefore essential to build a peace that is ecologically sensitive, while equally socially and politically relevant and desirable. I call this sustainable peace.

    List of papers
    1. Actors in Environmental Peacebuilding: A case study of ownership frames in the UNEP’s environmental peacebuilding policy framework
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Actors in Environmental Peacebuilding: A case study of ownership frames in the UNEP’s environmental peacebuilding policy framework
    (English)Article in journal (Refereed) Submitted
    Abstract [en]

    In contrast to international peacebuilding interventions, global environmental governance is characterized by the inclusiveness of international and domestic non-state actors. Consequently, it may be expected that the UNEP policy framework on environmental peacebuilding would promote a strong for of non-state actors. This article examines the roles of various actors in this policy framework. It analyzes policy frames pertinent to questions of ownership that are embedded in key UNEP reports on environmental peacebuilding. I consider ownership here as an indicator of which actors design, manage and implement environmental peacebuilding policies. The findings suggest that UNEP, which I consider an international state actor, prefers international ownership (as opposed to domestic state or domestic non-state ownership) in their strategy for the sustainable management of natural resources in post-war settings. However, contrary to expectations, the reports showed a notable absence of international non-state actors. This is surprising in light of the global environmental governance discourse, which stresses the importance of involving international non-state in environmental governance. This article discusses characteristics of the reports that may explain the absence in this framework of international non-state actors, as well as domestic state and domestic non-state actors. 

    Keywords
    Environmental Peacebuilding, Peacebuilding, UNEP, Policy frames, Ownership
    National Category
    Social Sciences Political Science
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-298273 (URN)
    Available from: 2016-07-01 Created: 2016-07-01 Last updated: 2016-07-01
    2. The Liberal Trap: Peacemaking and Peacebuilding in Afghanistan After 9/11
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>The Liberal Trap: Peacemaking and Peacebuilding in Afghanistan After 9/11
    2013 (English)In: Mediation and liberal peacebuilding: Peace from the ashes of war? / [ed] Mikael Eriksson and Roland Kostić, London: Routledge, 2013, p. 57-75Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    By studying the negotiation of the Bonn Agreement for Afghanistan and its implementation, this paper argues that adding a reconciliation or transitional justice agenda to external statebuilding efforts does not resolve the problem of top-down imposition and regulation. Examination of the pre-negotiation phase showed that the Afghan parties were controlled and regulated from the outset by the external actors, led by US diplomats. The external agenda was heavily driven by Western security and statebuilding concerns, but in order to uphold an image of an intervention as normatively liberal, the concepts of national reconciliation and human rights were included in the Agreement. As shown in the study of the implementation phase, these concepts became a source of tension between Western statebuilders and the Western transitional justice community. The investigation reveals that each is seeking to impose their own agenda on the elected Afghan government, and are neglecting locally driven solutions.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    London: Routledge, 2013
    Series
    Routledge studies in intervention and statebuilding
    Keywords
    peacebuilding, Afghanistan, negotiations, transitional justice
    National Category
    Social Sciences Political Science
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-194364 (URN)0-415-63835-6 (ISBN)0-415-63835-6 (ISBN)
    Available from: 2013-02-13 Created: 2013-02-13 Last updated: 2024-04-18Bibliographically approved
    3. Water for peace?: Post-conflict water resource management in Kosovo
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Water for peace?: Post-conflict water resource management in Kosovo
    2017 (English)In: Cooperation and Conflict, ISSN 0010-8367, E-ISSN 1460-3691, Vol. 52, no 2, p. 147-165Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Water resource management (WRM) has increasingly come to be considered within the realm of peacebuilding. Through investigating the case of water resource management in Kosovo after 1999, this study argues that the international community has treated post-conflict water resource management as a primarily technical issue, to the neglect of its complex political nature. This has impeded the peacebuilding process in three ways. First, it consolidated the physical separation of actors through allowing separate water governance structures. Second, it avoided conflictive issues instead of actively engaging in conflict resolution. Third, it incapacitated locals by placing ownership in the hands of external actors. To redress this tripartite dilemma, this study stresses the need for research that provides deeper theoretical and empirical understanding of the political mechanisms that connect WRM to post-conflict reconstruction efforts. 

    Keywords
    Environmental peacebuilding, functionalism, Kosovo, peacebuilding, post-conflict reconstruction, UNMIK, water resource management
    National Category
    Social Sciences Political Science Globalisation Studies
    Research subject
    Political Science; Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-295433 (URN)10.1177/0010836716652428 (DOI)000400912000001 ()
    Available from: 2016-06-07 Created: 2016-06-07 Last updated: 2018-01-10Bibliographically approved
    4. Empowering peace: service provision and state legitimacy in Nepal’s peace-building process
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Empowering peace: service provision and state legitimacy in Nepal’s peace-building process
    2016 (English)In: Conflict, Security and Development, ISSN 1467-8802, E-ISSN 1478-1174, Vol. 16, no 1, p. 53-73Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    There is growing demand for an understanding of peace beyond the absence of violence. As such research focuses increasingly on the issue of state legitimacy as a tool to assess and understand peace processes. In this paper the relationship between service provision and state legitimacy is studied to assess whether the provision of services like electricity to rural communities of war-torn countries through state actors contributes to the consolidation of the post-war political system. The qualitative analysis of two localities in post-war Nepal highlights that service provision in the form of electricity through micro-hydropower yields tremendously positive socio-economic effects for rural communities. However, socio-economic development in combination with interactions among villagers has strengthened local autonomy through emphasising alternative local governance structures. This highlights that the relationship between service provision and state legitimacy is more complex than previous research anticipates. The absence of a positive effect on state legitimacy raises the question of whether in its current case-specific form service provision is conducive to the broader peace-building efforts in post-war Nepal, because it stresses the divide between state and society.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Taylor & Francis Group, 2016
    Keywords
    Service provision, state legitimacy, peace-building, Nepal
    National Category
    Social Sciences Political Science Sociology Globalisation Studies Environmental Engineering
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-280203 (URN)10.1080/14678802.2016.1136138 (DOI)000408623400003 ()
    Funder
    Sida - Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency
    Available from: 2016-03-09 Created: 2016-03-09 Last updated: 2018-01-10Bibliographically approved
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  • 7.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Climate Change Mitigation and Political Legitimacy in Post-Conflict Settings2014Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Climate change and climate variability exacerbate the human costs of war. Most research has focused on the negative societal consequences of climate change, and more recently also the negative impact of climate change mitigation and adaptation. The possible positive impacts of climate change adaptation and mitigation has left a lacuna in research on the social impacts of climate change. In this study I investigate the link between climate change mitigation and building peace: Does climate change mitigation – in this case micro hydropower systems in Nepal – contribute to building peace – measured as the perceived legitimacy of the post-conflict order? Energy supply through micro hydropower systems is crucial for climate mitigation and has become a crucial area for peacebuilding. After 2006, Nepal achieved successful micro hydropower development following a decade long civil war. Two individual cases within Nepal were selected to assess the effects of micro hydropower systems on peacebuilding. The findings are based on newly collected empirical data. National expert, local elite and household interviews were conducted in 2013 in Nepal. The data indicates that there is no direct effect (neither positive nor negative) of climate mitigation on peacebuilding. However, the successful implementation of the micro hydropower project in the two cases in Nepal has actually produced other spaces of legitimate authority and as such constitutes an internal hybrid peace in Nepal in the absence of functioning nation state. 

  • 8.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Climate Change Mitigation, Peacebuilding, and Resilience2014In: Carnegie Ethics OnlineArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [en]

    How are our efforts to reduce the impact of climate change affecting post-conflict societies? Thinking and research about the possible impacts of climate change adaptation and mitigation on post-conflict societies is almost nonexistent. Most attention remains on climate change and variability and their link to war.1 In this article I discuss the link between climate change mitigation and building peace. Drawing on new empirical data of micro hydropower development in post-conflict Nepal I inquire further if climate change mitigation contributes to peacebuilding.

    The findings show that micro-hydropower development in Nepal has not contributed to peacebuilding on a state level. This is because these measures do not strengthen the political legitimacy of the post-conflict authorities, a crucial measure for successful peacebuilding. Actually, in the short run this measure of climate change mitigation has led to new informal spaces of peace beyond the reach of the Nepali state. This puts policy decision makers into a dilemma: Should they consider abandoning climate change mitigation policies if they might in fact risk the peacebuilding process? Or is it worth the bigger cause of reducing CO2 emissions globally? As this article shows, the answer might be more nuanced.

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  • 9.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Climate change, peacebuilding and sustaining peace2019Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Eight of the ten countries hosting the most multilateral peace operations personnel in 2018 are located in areas highly exposed to climate change. As such, climate change is not just an issue of human security—it is transforming the entire security landscape. Nonetheless, international efforts to build and maintain peace are not yet taking these emerging challenges systematically into account.

    This policy brief illustrates how climate change impacts the efficacy of peacebuilding, specifically the aim (a) to provide peace and security; (b) to strengthen governance and justice; and (c) to ensure social and economic development.

    To better prepare for and adequately respond to what are increasingly complex peacebuilding contexts, peacebuilding efforts must become more climate-sensitive. Especially there is a need to (a) properly assess climate-related security risks; (b) increase cross-agency knowledge exchange and learning; and (c) maximize synergies and realize climate action as opportunities to build sustainable peace.

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  • 10.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Empowering peace: service provision and state legitimacy in Nepal’s peace-building process2016In: Conflict, Security and Development, ISSN 1467-8802, E-ISSN 1478-1174, Vol. 16, no 1, p. 53-73Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    There is growing demand for an understanding of peace beyond the absence of violence. As such research focuses increasingly on the issue of state legitimacy as a tool to assess and understand peace processes. In this paper the relationship between service provision and state legitimacy is studied to assess whether the provision of services like electricity to rural communities of war-torn countries through state actors contributes to the consolidation of the post-war political system. The qualitative analysis of two localities in post-war Nepal highlights that service provision in the form of electricity through micro-hydropower yields tremendously positive socio-economic effects for rural communities. However, socio-economic development in combination with interactions among villagers has strengthened local autonomy through emphasising alternative local governance structures. This highlights that the relationship between service provision and state legitimacy is more complex than previous research anticipates. The absence of a positive effect on state legitimacy raises the question of whether in its current case-specific form service provision is conducive to the broader peace-building efforts in post-war Nepal, because it stresses the divide between state and society.

  • 11.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Exploring Changing Identities and Reconciliation in South Africa and Zimbabwe2009Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The study investigates why former belligerents change their identity and are able to reconcile with each other in the post-conflict situation. By identity change I mean the process by which belligerents transform their conflictive identities towards peaceful ones. By doing so belligerents are able to accept and respect other identities. This may lead to a process of reconciliation that changes the destructive attitudes and behaviour of belligerents.

    The case study of Zimbabwe (1980-1989) and South Africa (1990-1998) found that in both cases attitudes changed inconsistently over time. The introduction of a superordinate identity, had positive effects on belligerents, but factors like the truth processes or overemphasize on subordination under the new identity, altered this development. The initially positive development of attitudes in Zimbabwe was traced back to an understanding of reconciliation as impunity, what kept a societal security dilemma in place. This caused a failure of the change of attitudes beyond strategy and enabled subsequent outbreaks of violence. On the contrary the cautiously emphasized and introduced competitive superordinate identity in South Africa brought constructive change, in reducing a societal security dilemma. But this was altered by the perception of collective blame due to the result of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

    The study used theories on identity and reconciliation from multiple disciplines and mostly primary sources collected from archives in Europe.

  • 12.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Nepal’s Micro-Hydropower Projects Have Surprising Effect on Peace Process2014In: New Security BeatsArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [en]

    The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s fifth assessment, which has been rolling out in stages since last September, confirms a crucial divide in current climate thinking: efforts to adapt and mitigate to climate change are often considered separately from the vulnerability of people.

    Climate change impacts, adaptation, and vulnerability were covered by IPCC Working Group II, while Working Group III handled mitigation. Each group developed and released their reports separately. Why is this significant? Because in conflict and post-conflict societies, climate mitigation efforts can have significant impacts on existing tensions, sometimes even making them worse. It is therefore vitally important that policymakers understand these two sets of issues together and researchers build a better understanding of how they interact.

  • 13.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Neue Kriege, neu betrachtet: Neubetrachtung des Forschungsstands und des Fallbeispiels Bosnien und Herzegowina2009In: Zeitschrift für Genozidforschung, ISSN 1438-8332, Vol. 10, no 1, p. 61-92Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This study aims to review the state of art of the new wars debate from 1999 till today. In a critical reflection it analyses Mary Kaldor’s approach and identifies three core elements that guide the follow-up case study on the Bosnian war. It does so to critically reflect on the political naivety, which welcomed the concept of New Wars as a tool to justify policies and the lack of scientific accuracy and nobility by several study programmes. The study concludes that, firstly, identity politics are not a unique feature of new wars as Kaldor argues. Rather identity must be considered the main ingredient in each Conflict. Secondly it must be questioned in how far wars today can be compared to their predecessors since the quality those wars are analysed increased tremendously. Peace and Conflict Research are one of these features that came up within the 1960s as well as a globalised moralisation of war. Thirdly, Kaldor argument of a brutalisation of new wars is falsified. New studies clearly falsify this argument empirically for the Bosnian war. The study infers that ten years after Kaldor introduced the conception of New Wars, there are loads of theoretical and empirical doubts that question the theory as a helpful tool in Peace and Conflict Research.

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  • 14.
    Krampe, Florian
    Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Stockholm, Sweden.
    Ownership and inequalities: exploring UNEP’s Environmental Cooperation for Peacebuilding Program2021In: Sustainability Science, ISSN 1862-4065, E-ISSN 1862-4057, Vol. 16, p. 1159-1172Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The question of ownership—that is, who is included and excluded from policy processes—has become one of the most pressing issues in the global discourse on peace and conflict. While research shows that the inclusion of domestic actors is critical to success, broader international processes often neglect these actors. Focused on environmental peacebuilding—the sustainable management of natural resources in post-conflict settings—as an emerging area, this article employs qualitative content analysis (QCA) to study four core reports of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP)’s Environmental Cooperation for Peacebuilding Programme (2008–2015). The results reveal that the framing of environmental peacebuilding in these documents contributes to power inequalities being reinforced. The reports’ language suggests that, overall, UNEP favors international ownership of environmental peacebuilding. By contrast, local actors—both state and non-state—appear to be considered a risk in the context of natural resource management. This article discusses the implications of this lack of inclusion for peacebuilding practice.

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  • 15.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Responding to Climate-Related Security Risks: Reviewing Regional Organizations in Asia and Africa2018In: Current Climate Change Reports, ISSN 2198-6061, Vol. 4, no 4, p. 330-337Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Purpose of Review

    This paper presents new insight on the approaches and ability to respond to climate-related security risks in four regional intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) in Asia and Africa—ASEAN (South East Asia), SAARC (South Asia), ECOWAS (West Africa), and IGAD (East Africa).

    Recent Findings

    IGOs are becoming increasingly important in responding to climate-related security risks, given the transnational character of these risks. Previous research has primarily focused on Western-based IGOs, whereas more attention is needed on IGOs in fragile and developing regions to increase our understanding of the emerging challenges and to take adequate measurements to mitigate climate-related security risks.

    Summary

    We show that the regional security context and vulnerability to climate change affects the framing of climate-related security risks, and that the risks identified often relate to livelihood conditions and development, rather than state security. Measurements are taken, but the key challenge remains the implementation of these policies.

  • 16.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Reversing the negative shift - Natural Resources and Environmental PeacebuildingManuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Environmental issues in post-conflict societies have received greater attention over the last two decades. Gradually researchers focus not only on addressing the underlying causes of conflict, but also on laying the foundation for an ecologically, socially, and economically viable peace. The inclusion of peace as one of the UN Sustainable Development Goal’s (SDG) along with several ecological goals in 2015, has further recognizes this link between peace and environmental issues. As part of the SDG’s it is expected to continuously guide UN development actions in the coming decades. It is therefore a critical moment to reflect on the state of the research agenda and discuss its future direction.

     

    In this forum I reflect on the contributions of the two dominant schools of environmental peacebuilding. Environmental peacebuilding focuses on the sustainable management of natural resources in post-war settings. I argue that two schools have emerged, which are distinct through their perception of environmental issues: the first school focuses on the potential of environmental cooperation for peace. I call this the positive school. The second school focuses rather on the risk of resource-induced conflicts in post-war situations and highlights pathways to overcome this risk. I call this the negative school. While the second school currently dominates the academic and especially policy debate and has produced an abundance of empirical case studies, I assert that this school was so far ineffective in developing the theoretical understanding of environmental peacebuilding. To that end, I argue for a refocusing to the theoretical driven roots of the first school of environmental peacebuilding and propose pathways for future research that will contribute to both schools and develop a more substantial understanding of the potential that environmental issues in post-war settings.

  • 17.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The art of mediation: (Review of: The Go-Between. Jan Eliasson and the Styles of Mediation by Isak Svensson and Peter Wallensteen. USIP: Washington D.C., 2010)2011In: New Routes, ISSN 1403-3755, Vol. 16, no 1, p. 34-35Article, book review (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
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  • 18.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The Environment and Peace - Environmental Policies in Peace Processes and their contribution to Building Peace2013Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Does peacebuilding in the environmental sector influence perceptions of popular legitimacy of post-conflict authorities? Guided by this question this research plan addresses a gap in the literature on peacebuilding and environmental studies. Only limited research has been conducted on the link between the environment and peacebuilding. Generally, scholars and practitioners assume addressing environmental issues during peacebuilding processes contributes to the success of peace (Conca & Dabelko, 2002; Conca & Wallace, 2009; Ejigu, 2006; Kostić, Krampe, & Swain, 2012; Machlis & Hanson, 2008; Matthew, Barnett, & McDonald, 2009a; Matthew, Brown, & Jensen, 2009b; A. Swain & Krampe, 2011). Yet, findings in the peacebuilding literature show that externally driven peacebuilding often leads to a lack of popular legitimacy of governing authorities and the creation of new substructures of legitimacy, a development that has been termed hybrid or post-liberal peace (Kappler, 2012; Kostić, 2007; MacGinty, 2010; Richmond, 2011).

    These adverse effects of peacebuilding have been identified and studied in many sectors, but are they similarly present in the environmental sector? Or do environmental peacebuilding activities contribute in fact to more popular legitimacy? This study contributes knowledge and understanding about peacebuilding in the environmental sector and its influence on local perceptions of legitimacy. The focus is specifically on projects of renewable energy production that utilize manageable natural resources (i.e. water and biomass). If and how these project influence popular legitimacy will be assessed through within and cross case comparisons of four case studies in the peacebuilding process of Nepal through data based on fieldwork. 

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  • 19.
    Krampe, Florian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The Liberal Trap: Pea