Logotyp: till Uppsala universitets webbplats

uu.sePublikationer från Uppsala universitet
Ändra sökning
Avgränsa sökresultatet
12 1 - 50 av 56
RefereraExporteraLänk till träfflistan
Permanent länk
Referera
Referensformat
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association
  • vancouver
  • Annat format
Fler format
Språk
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Annat språk
Fler språk
Utmatningsformat
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf
Träffar per sida
  • 5
  • 10
  • 20
  • 50
  • 100
  • 250
Sortering
  • Standard (Relevans)
  • Författare A-Ö
  • Författare Ö-A
  • Titel A-Ö
  • Titel Ö-A
  • Publikationstyp A-Ö
  • Publikationstyp Ö-A
  • Äldst först
  • Nyast först
  • Skapad (Äldst först)
  • Skapad (Nyast först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Äldst först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Nyast först)
  • Disputationsdatum (tidigaste först)
  • Disputationsdatum (senaste först)
  • Standard (Relevans)
  • Författare A-Ö
  • Författare Ö-A
  • Titel A-Ö
  • Titel Ö-A
  • Publikationstyp A-Ö
  • Publikationstyp Ö-A
  • Äldst först
  • Nyast först
  • Skapad (Äldst först)
  • Skapad (Nyast först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Äldst först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Nyast först)
  • Disputationsdatum (tidigaste först)
  • Disputationsdatum (senaste först)
Markera
Maxantalet träffar du kan exportera från sökgränssnittet är 250. Vid större uttag använd dig av utsökningar.
  • 1.
    Baev, Pavel K.
    et al.
    Peace Research Institute Oslo, Oslo, Norway.
    Tønnesson, Stein
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning. Peace Research Institute Oslo, Oslo, Norway.
    The Troubled Russia-China Partnership as a Challenge to the East Asian Peace2017Ingår i: Fudan Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, ISSN 1674-0750, Vol. 10, nr 2, s. 209-225Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    With the annexation of the Crimea and the engagement in confrontation with the West, Russia has embarked on a course of making the military force into a useful instrument of policy. Moscow has effectively sacrificed the goals of modernization and development for the sake of geopolitical ambitions. The question about the price of Russia's revisionist enterprise is relevant for many states that are not satisfied with the unfair and often discriminating rules of the world order, first of all China. Russia hopes to inspire other states dissatisfied with the "unipolar'' world order to challenge the West more boldly, but the result of its assault on the principles of nonintervention and territorial integrity might work in the opposite way. The states of East Asia could take a good measure of the risk inherent to embarking on the course of projecting power at the expense of modernization and become even more committed than before to upholding their unique prosperity-producing peace. China has a vested interest in Russian internal stability and must be worried by the prospect of a post-Putin crisis.

  • 2.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Gender, Informal Institutions and Political Recruitment: Explaining Male Dominance in Parliamentary Representation2015 (uppl. 2)Bok (Refereegranskat)
  • 3.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Honor and Political Violence: Micro-level findings from a Survey in Thailand2017Ingår i: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 54, nr 6, s. 748-761Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Who participates in political violence? In this study, we investigate the issue at the micro-level, comparing individuals who have used violence in political uprising with those who have not. We develop our argument from the observation that men are strongly overrepresented in political violence, although most men do not participate. Literature on masculinities emphasizes the role of honor and its links to different forms of violence, such as domestic abuse, criminal violence, and violent attitudes. Building on this literature, we discern two separate but related aspects of honor: honor as male societal privilege and control over female sexuality, i.e., patriarchal values, and honor as ideals of masculine toughness, i.e., the perceived necessity for men to be fierce and respond to affronts with violence or threats of violence in order to preserve status. We argue that patriarchal values combined with ideals of masculine toughness together constitute honor ideology, which contributes in turn to the explanation of who participates in political violence. We present new and unique individual-level survey data on these issues, collected in Thailand. We find that honor ideology strongly and robustly predicts a higher likelihood of participating in political violence among male political activists. A number of previous studies find a macro-level relationship between gender equality and peacefulness in a society. This study provides evidence for one micro-level mechanism linking gender equality and political violence at the macro-level. Based on these results, we conclude that honor ideology endorsement is a driver of violence in political conflicts.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 4.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Melander, Erik
    Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame, USA.
    Disentangling gender, peace and democratization: the negative effects of militarized masculinity2011Ingår i: Journal of Gender Studies, ISSN 0958-9236, E-ISSN 1465-3869, Vol. 20, nr 2, s. 139-154Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates, both theoretically and empirically, the relationships between democratization, gender equality and peace. We argue that there is a need to scrutinize both the level of democracy as well as the level of masculine hegemony in societies. Methodologically, we use a combination of quantitative and qualitative analyses to support our argument. We employ regression analysis to show that the relationship between the extent of democracy and the representation of women in politics appears, at first glance, to be non-existent but turns out to be a curvi-linear one. We also show that democracy can facilitate peace, but only in interaction with the level of political gender equality, so that more democratic societies are more peaceful only if there have been moves to gender equality. Our interpretation of these findings is illustrated by the contemporary politics of Thailand. Recent political violence in southern Thailand can be accounted for in the context of it being only partly democratized, where a culture of militarized masculinity persists alongside with, and even within, democratic institutions. Such a culture makes it both difficult for women to enter the political sphere, despite democratic elections, and fosters political violence.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 5.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Pacific Men: how the feminist gap explains hostility2017Ingår i: The Pacific Review, ISSN 0951-2748, E-ISSN 1470-1332, Vol. 30, nr 4, s. 478-493Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The gender gap in attitudes to foreign policy is well established in public opinion literature. Studies have repeatedly reported that women tend to be more peacefuland less militaristic than men. This article reexamines attitudes of individuals inrelation to foreign policy and pits the gender gap against the largely forgotten feminist gap. We argue that the individual-level relationship between gender equality attitudes on the one hand, and tolerance and benevolence on the other, is underresearched,but also that key contributions about the effects of feminism have beenmostly ignored in research on the gender gap in public opinion. We return to the notion of a causal relationship between gender equality attitudes, and peaceful attitudes, and of a feminist gap that also exists among men. In a series of novel empirical tests, we demonstrate that attitudes to gender equality, not biological sex, explain attitudes towards other nationalities and religious groups. Using individual level survey data from five countries around the Pacific: China, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, and the United States of America, we show that both men and women who reject gender equality are much more hostile both to other nations and to minorities in their own country.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    Pacific Men
  • 6.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Revisiting Representation: Communism, Women in Politics, and the Decline of Armed Conflict in East Asia2013Ingår i: International Interactions, ISSN 0305-0629, E-ISSN 1547-7444, Vol. 39, nr 4, s. 558-574Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This research note evaluates one of the commonly used measurements for political gender equality: representation of women in parliaments. It demonstrates that caution is called for when interpreting results where this variable is used, because parliamentary representation implies different things in different settings. Societies with more women in parliament tend to have fewer intrastate armed conflicts. We investigate this statistical association with a particular focus on East Asia. This region has seen a shift from extremely intense warfare to low levels of battle deaths at roughly the same time as great strides have been made in the representation of women in parliaments. This research note shows, however, that this statistical association is driven by authoritarian communist regimes promoting gender equality as a part of communist ideology, and these countries’ representative chambers have little influence over politics. Using statistical tests and empirical illustrations from East Asia, the note concludes that the political representation of women is an invalid indicator of political gender equality in East Asia. There is thus a need for nuance in assessing the picture painted in earlier research. In addition, the suggestion that more women in parliament will lead to fewer armed conflicts runs the risk of being forwarded as an oversimplified solution to a complex problem, and we briefly discuss the instrumentalization of gender equality in peace and security studies.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    Bjarnegard Melander International Interactions
  • 7.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Bardall, Gabrielle
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Johansson, Karin
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Muvumba Sellström, Angela
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Olsson, Louise
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Gender, peace and armed conflict2015Ingår i: SIPRI Yearbook 2015: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security / [ed] Ian Davis, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015, s. 101-109Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 8.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Tønnesson, Stein
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Why So Much Conflict in Thailand?2015Ingår i: Thammasat Review, ISSN 0859-5747, Vol. 18, nr 1, s. 132-161Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Thailand has since 2004 formed an exception to the general peace trend in East Asia. An insurgency in its deep south has cost several thousand lives. Thailand has also engaged in a deadly border conflict with Cambodia and there have been violent incidents in Bangkok, as part of a polarized struggle for power between bitterly opposed political factions. Why does Thailand go against the regional grain? We seek an explanation to the Thai exception by investigating to what extent the southern conflict, the border dispute and the struggle over government are causally interlinked. The latter, we suggest, has been the determining factor, and the main explanation for the upsurge of conflict in Thailand is the lack of civilian control with the military, which has weakened state capacity and made it possible to topple elected governments in coups, court decisions and street-based campaigns.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 9.
    Bobekova, Elvira
    et al.
    University of Otago, New Zealand .
    Pearce Smith, Scott
    University of Otago, New Zealand .
    Svensson, Isak
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning. University of Otago, New Zealand.
    Rivers of Peace: Institutionalized Mekong River Cooperation and The East Asian Peace2013Ingår i: European Journal of East Asian Studies, ISSN 1568-0584, E-ISSN 1570-0615, Vol. 12, s. 7-34Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    East Asia represents a remarkable example of a region that has transformed from one of the most violent in the world, in terms of interstate wars and internationalised intrastate conflicts, towards a relatively peaceful region. What explains East Asian peace? This study adopts an institutional perspective, arguing that a crucial role in the creation and development of East Asia’s peace, and in the Mekong region in particular, has been the emergence of transnational river cooperation in the Mekong Basin. It examines the nature and drivers of such institutional cooperation. Explanations can be found in a combination of external support from third parties, and an internal economic growth imperative held by the Mekong states themselves. It provides useful policy lessons for the creation and development of peace and cooperation through institution-building.

  • 10.
    Butcher, Charles
    et al.
    University of Otago.
    Svensson, Isak
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning. University of Otago, National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, Dunedin, New Zealand.
    Manufacturing Dissent: Modernization and the Onset of Major Nonviolent Resistance Campaigns2016Ingår i: Journal of Conflict Resolution, ISSN 0022-0027, E-ISSN 1552-8766, Vol. 60, nr 2, s. 311-339Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    A growing research field examines the conditions under which major nonviolent resistance campaigns—that is, popular nonviolent uprisings for regime or territorial change—are successful. Why these campaigns emerge in the first place is less well understood. We argue that extensive social networks that are economically interdependent with the state make strategic nonviolence more feasible. These networks are larger and more powerful in states whose economies rely upon organized labor. Global quantitative analysis of the onset of violent and nonviolent campaigns from 1960 to 2006 (NAVCO), and major protest events in Africa from 1990 to 2009 (SCAD) shows that the likelihood of nonviolent conflict onset increases with the proportion of manufacturing to gross domestic product. This study points to a link between modernization and social conflict, a link that has been often hypothesized, but, hitherto, unsupported by empirical studies.

  • 11.
    Choi, Jong Kun
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning. Yonsei Univ, Dept Polit Sci & Int Studies, Seoul 120749, South Korea..
    Crisis stability or general stability?: Assessing Northeast Asia's absence of war and prospects for liberal transition2016Ingår i: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 42, nr 2, s. 287-309Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Is the relatively long peace of Northeast Asia a result of crisis stability or general stability? The article introduces two stability concepts - crisis and general stability. Crisis stability occurs when both sides in military crisis are so secure due to its military capability and are able to wait out a surprise attack fully confident that it would be able to respond with a punishing counter attack. On the other hand, general stability prevails when two powers greatly prefer peace even to a victorious war whether crisis stability exists or not, simply because war has become inconceivable as a means of solving any political disagreements and conflicts. While crisis stability entails delicate balance of military power from the deterrence literature of security studies, general stability bases its logic of inquiry on constructivism where the idea of war aversion - categorically rejecting war as a means to end conflicts - becomes the prevailing norm. Therefore, this article empirically examines how Northeast Asia has sustained its peace through crisis stability and presents a new trend toward general stability.

  • 12. Davenport, Christian
    et al.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Regan, Patrick
    The Peace Continuum: What It Is and How to Study It2018Bok (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The idea of studying peace has gained considerable traction in the past few years after languishing in the shadows of conflict for decades but how should it be studied? The Peace Continuum offers a parallax view of how we think about peace and the complexities that surround the concept (i.e., the book explores the topic from different positions at the same time). Toward this end, we review existing literature and provide insights into how peace should be conceptualized - particularly as something more interesting than the absence of conflict. We provide an approach that can help scholars overcome what we see as the initial shock that comes with unpacking the 'zero' in the war-peace model of conflict studies. Additionally, we provide a framework for understanding how peace and conflict have/have not been related to one another in the literature. To reveal how the Peace Continuum could be applied, we put forward three alternative ways that peace could be studied. With this approach, the book is less trying to control the emerging peace research agenda than it is trying to assist in/encourage thinking about the topic that we all have some opinion on but that has yet to be measured and analyzed in a way comparable to political conflict and violence. Indeed, we attempt to help facilitate a veritable explosion of approaches and efforts to study peace.

  • 13.
    Eck, Kristine
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Repression by Proxy: How Military Purges and Insurgency Impact the Delegation of Coercion2015Ingår i: Journal of Conflict Resolution, ISSN 0022-0027, E-ISSN 1552-8766, Vol. 59, nr 5, s. 924-946Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Why do regimes delegate authority over a territory to nonstate militias, in effect voluntarily sacrificing their monopoly over the use of violence? This article argues that two factors increase the probability of states delegating control to a proxy militia, namely, military purges and armed conflict. Military purges disrupt intelligence-gathering structures and the organizational capacity of the military. To counteract this disruption, military leaders subcontract the task of control and repression to allied militias that have the local intelligence skills necessary to manage the civilian population. This argument is conditioned by whether the state faces an armed insurgency in a given region since intelligence, control, and repression are needed most where the state is being challenged. This hypothesis is tested on unique data for all subnational regions within Myanmar during the period 1962 to 2010 and finds that proxy militias are more likely to be raised in conflict areas after military purges.

  • 14.
    Engvall, Anders
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Andersson, Magnus
    The Dynamics of Conflict in Southern Thailand2014Ingår i: Asian Economic Papers, ISSN 1535-3516, E-ISSN 1536-0083, Vol. 13, nr 3, s. 169-189Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The prolonged insurgency in Southern Thailand has claimed thousands of victims since the outbreak of major violence in 2004. Drawing on a unique data set covering all violent incidents since 2004, a hotspot analysis shows that the bulk of the violence is concentrated in clusters of sub-districts forming hotbeds of conflict. Drivers of conflict are identified through a comparative analysis of the hotspots of violence with less violent areas. The analysis shows that identity manifested in language use and religious practices (rather than international borders, infrastructure, and physical geography) influence the prevalence and patterns of violence.

  • 15.
    Finnbogason, Daniel
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Svensson, Isak
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    The missing jihad: Why have there been no jihadist civil wars in Southeast Asia?2018Ingår i: The Pacific Review, ISSN 0951-2748, E-ISSN 1470-1332, Vol. 31, nr 1, s. 96-115Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Why has there been no jihadist civil war in Southeast Asia? Although there has been a global surge in armed conflicts where at least one side fights for self-proclaimed Islamist aspirations, the region of Southeast Asia stands out by not having experienced a single jihadist civil war after 1975. Yet, so far, there have been no systematic comparisons of the frequency and nature of the Islamist violence in Southeast Asia and the rest of the world. This study therefore contributes by exploring the empirical trajectories in the region and situating Southeast Asia to global developments, utilizing new and unique data on religiously defined armed conflicts 1975-2015. We find that whereas the number of people killed in Islamist violence has increased in the rest of the world, it has decreased in Southeast Asia. We argue that Southeast Asia has prevented outbreaks of jihadist civil wars, and contained and partially resolved ongoing Islamist conflicts before they have escalated, due to three interrelated factors: the lack of internationalization of Islamist conflicts in the region, the openness of political channels for voicing Islamist aspirations, and government repression. This article suggests insights from the region that can be valuable from a global perspective.

  • 16.
    Goldsmith, Benjamin E.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Different in Asia?: Developmental states, trade, and international conflict onset and escalation2013Ingår i: International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, ISSN 1470-482X, E-ISSN 1470-4838, Vol. 13, nr 2, s. 175-205Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, I ask what might be the effect of international trade on interstate conflict in Asia and the Pacific. Overall, the associations of trade interdependence and trade volume in the region appear similar to those globally: interdependence is accompanied by a reduction in the chance of militarized conflict onset, whereas the volume of trade appears to reduce the chance of conflict escalation to deadly international violence. I suggest a partial exception for East Asia, implying weaker associations between trade and pacific outcomes. I argue that the regionally common 'developmental state' model allows such states to more freely, but less credibly, use trade as a foreign policy tool, reducing trade's constraint upon East Asian states in security affairs. Analyses of East Asian dyads and of developmental states in data from all regions of the globe support my contention that trade interdependence has weaker pacific effects in these contexts, although some other expectations are not supported.

  • 17.
    Goldsmith, Benjamin E.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Domestic political institutions and the initiation of international conflict in East Asia: some evidence for an Asian democratic peace2014Ingår i: International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, ISSN 1470-482X, E-ISSN 1470-4838, Vol. 14, nr 1, s. 59-90Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    There is doubt about whether the 'democratic peace' proposition applies in Asia. I theoretically deconstruct regime type into institutional components including political competition, constraint on the executive, and mass participation, and ask whether taking these as distinct causal factors gives more empirical purchase on the relationship of domestic political institutions to states' external conflict behavior. I find that higher levels of political competition are associated with a lower likelihood of conflict initiation, but only when the potential target is relatively democratic. Thus, my directed-dyad analysis is consistent with a democratic peace effect in East Asia. It is also suggestive regarding the observed 'East Asian peace' that has existed since 1979, because levels of political competition have risen considerably in the region, beginning in the late 1970s.

  • 18.
    Goldsmith, Benjamin E.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    The East Asian Peace as a Second-Order Diffusion Effect2014Ingår i: International Studies Review, ISSN 1521-9488, E-ISSN 1468-2486, Vol. 16, nr 2, s. 275-289Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    While East Asia is often cited as a region at high risk of interstate military conflict, it has remained free of major hostilities since the 1979 Sino-Vietnamese war. In this article, I propose a second-order diffusion dynamic to help explain this East Asian peace. It is based on the stimulus event of China's shift in political-economic models that began in 1978. While the "flying geese" diffusion of open trading and developmental state policies in East Asia began earlier, China's shift contributed to dramatic region-wide change in a key variable: the volume of trade flows. Intraregional trade interdependence did not increase greatly because strong economic growth accompanied increased intraregional trade flows. Rather than interdependence, my argument focuses on the utility of high volumes of trade for interstate crisis signaling to avoid escalation to war. The first-order diffusion of trade-based strategies, I argue, had second-order effects on international relations in East Asia. While China was not the first adopter, diffusion of liberalization to this large, developing economy increased regional trade flows directly and indirectly via increased competitive pressures. The resulting higher flows of intraregional trade then inhibited the escalation of interstate conflicts. Statistical analyses support my contentions while controlling for a number of other plausible contributing factors.

  • 19.
    Guthrey, Holly
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning. 1985.
    The Unforgiving Peace2017Ingår i: Debating the East Asian Peace: What it is. How it came about. Will it last? / [ed] Bjarnegård, Elin, Kreutz, Joakim, Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2017, s. 220-238Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 20.
    Guthrey, Holly L.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Expectations and Promises in the Quest for Truth: Examining Victims' Perceptions of Truth Commission Participation in Solomon Islands and Timor-Leste2016Ingår i: Peace and Conflict: The Journal of Peace Psychology, ISSN 1078-1919, E-ISSN 1532-7949, Vol. 22, nr 4, s. 306-317Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Existing research suggests that victims' needs and desires often go unfulfilled after testifying in truth commissions, which commonly leads to disappointment with transitional justice processes. What is lesser discussed is why it is that victims anticipate receiving particular benefits or outcomes following truth-telling and possible consequences when nothing results after the process ends. Semistructured interviews conducted with victims of mass violence in Solomon Islands and Timor-Leste who gave public testimony during their country's truth commission indicate that victims anticipated practical outcomes that would improve their lives following their truth commission participation. These expectations appear to have developed because of inherent feelings that their contribution to the commission would be reciprocated or because of either explicit or implicit promises made by their country's truth commission/government. When these promises were broken or reciprocation not delivered, victims experienced an array of negative feelings including frustration, anger, and sadness. This article argues that victims can be further disempowered and marginalized when they do not receive a substantive benefit following their contribution to a truth commission. The grievances that can result in this way not only threaten the legitimacy of the truth commission and by extension the transitional state, but also the preservation of lasting peace.

  • 21.
    Guthrey, Holly L.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Local Norms and Truth Telling: Examining Experienced Incompatibilities within Truth Commissions of Solomon Islands and Timor-Leste2016Ingår i: The Contemporary Pacific, ISSN 1043-898X, E-ISSN 1527-9464, Vol. 28, nr 1, s. 1-29Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent decades, transitional justice processes have increasingly placed a focus on victims of mass violence, which has been particularly noticeable in truth commissions. Although truth commissions have become more "victim-centered" over time, there is little empirical research that examines what this actually portends for victims in practice, particularly in terms of how these institutions interact with local norms and sociocultural values. To begin addressing this gap, this article highlights several findings from nineteen semi-structured interviews conducted in Solomon Islands and Timor-Leste, which suggest that the truth-commission processes in each country may have missed the mark in terms of respecting the sociocultural values as well as local norms and expectations of those who participated in their national public hearings. Based on the data obtained from this study, it appears that ignoring sociocultural values and local norms may cause negative consequences for victims, including hindering their ability to move beyond their past trauma as well as inciting distress, worry, and confusion. The findings presented in this article draw attention to potentially problematic issues that arise within truth commissions when local norms and values are ignored; the hope is that this will help substantiate the need for developing culturally sensitive and locally relevant transitional justice processes, thus contributing to both theory and practice in the field of transitional justice.

  • 22.
    Guthrey, Holly L.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Victim Healing and Truth Commissions: Transforming Pain Through Voice in Solomon Islands and Timor-Leste2015Bok (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This book intends to contribute to the growing body of transitional justice literature by providing insight into how truth commissions may be beneficial to victims of mass violence, based on data collected in Timor-Leste and on the Solomon Islands. Drawing on literature in the fields of victim psychology, procedural justice, and transitional justice, this study is guided by the puzzle of why truth-telling in post-conflict settings has been found to be both helpful and harmful to victims of mass violence. Existing studies have identified a range of positive benefits and negative consequences of truth-telling for victims; however, the reasons why some victims experience a sense of healing while others do not after participating in post-conflict truth commission processes continues to remain unclear. Hence, to address one piece of this complex puzzle, this book seeks to begin clarifying how truth-telling may be beneficial for victims by investigating the question: What pathways lead from truth-telling to victim healing in post-conflict settings? Building on the proposition that having voice—a key component of procedural justice—can help individuals to overcome the disempowerment and marginalisation of victimisation, this book investigates voice­ as a  causal mechanism that can create pathways toward healing within truth commission public hearings.   Comparative, empirical studies that investigate how truth-telling contributes to victim healing in post-conflict settings are scarce in the field of transitional justice. This book begins to fill an important gap in the existing body of literature. From a practical standpoint, by enhancing understanding of how truth commissions can promote healing, the findings and arguments in this volume provide insight into how the design of transitional justice processes may be improved in the future to better respond to the needs of victims of mass violence.

  • 23.
    Kivimäki, Timo
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Can Peace Research Make Peace?: Lessons in Academic Diplomacy2012Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]