uu.seUppsala University Publications
Change search
Refine search result
12 1 - 50 of 57
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf
Rows per page
  • 5
  • 10
  • 20
  • 50
  • 100
  • 250
Sort
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
Select
The maximal number of hits you can export is 250. When you want to export more records please use the Create feeds function.
  • 1.
    Aranki Nassar, Adéle
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Events of the Tunisian Revolution: The Three First Years2016Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This report highlights the episodes, which led to the commonly called “Arab Spring” that originated in Tunisia. It describes the chain of events that took place and their geographical spread all over the country. It is well known that these events started a reaction throughout the Arab World, in some cases with success while in other countries it caused a reversal that can be discussed and might be the goal of further research.

    Three main areas are included and studied in this report. The first introduces the sequence of events. The second analyses the trends and the spread of these events. The final part discusses the differences between Tunisia and other countries in the Middle East and North Africa.

  • 2.
    Aranki Nassar, Adéle
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Peace Research in the Arab World: An Inventory 20112012Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This study locates the universities in the Arab countries that teach or house a research milieu dealing with peace and conflict research. It also identifies the level of teaching and presents information on course descriptions. 

    There are more than 450 universities with different approaches, for instance, in political science and multidisciplinary programs such as diplomacy, international relations, strategic studies, law and related fields in humanities. In total, 73 universities and institutions are specifically identified in this report. 

  • 3.
    Brosché, Johan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Masters of War: The Role of Elites in Sudan’s Communal Conflicts2014Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Why do communal conflicts turn violent in some regions but not in others? Communal conflicts pose a severe threat to human security and kill thousands of people each year, but our understanding of this phenomenon is still limited. In particular, we lack knowledge about why some of these conflicts become violent while others are resolved peacefully. This study addresses this knowledge gap and has a novel approach by addressing subnational variations that are unexplained by previous research. The theoretical framework combines insights from three different perspectives focusing on the role of the state, elite interactions, and conditions for cooperation over common resources. Empirically, the research question is investigated by combining within- and between-region analyses of three Sudanese regions: Darfur, Eastern Sudan, and Greater Upper Nile. Despite sharing several similar characteristics, communal conflicts have killed thousands in Darfur and Greater Upper Nile but only a few dozen in Eastern Sudan. The empirical analysis builds on extensive material collected during fieldwork.

    This study generates several conclusions about the importance of government conduct and how state behavior contributes to the prevalence of violent communal conflicts. It finds that when governments act in a biased manner – favoring certain communities over others – interactions between central and local elites as well as among local elites are disrupted. Unconstructive elite interactions, in turn, have negative effects on three mechanisms that are crucial for communal cooperation. First, when the regime is biased, communal affiliation, rather than the severity and context of a violation, determines the sanctions that are imposed on the perpetrators. Second, government bias leads to unclear boundaries, which contribute to violent communal conflicts by creating disarray and by shifting power balances between the communities. Third, regime partiality distances rules from local conditions and restricts the influence of local actors who have an understanding of local circumstances. The study also reveals why a regime acts with partiality in some areas but not in others. The answer to this question is found in the complex interplay between the threats and opportunities that a region presents to the regime. Taken together, the findings have important implications for the prevention and management of communal conflict.

  • 4.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Rethinking Reconciliation: Concepts, Methods, and an Empirical Study of Truth Telling and Psychological Health in Rwanda2008Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation combines psychology with peace and conflict research in a cross-disciplinary approach to reconciliation processes after intrastate armed conflict. Two overarching contributions are made to the field of reconciliation research. The first is conceptual and methodological. The vague concept of reconciliation is defined and operationalized (Paper I), and a method is proposed for how reconciliation may be studied systematically at the national level (Paper II). By discussing what reconciliation is and how we should measure it, comparative research on reconciliation is facilitated which is imperative if we wish to learn of its promises and pitfalls in post-conflict peacebuilding. The second contribution is empirical. There has been an assumption that truth telling is healing and thereby will lead to reconciliation; healing is the assumed link between truth and reconciliation. This assumption was investigated in two studies in Rwanda in 2006. A multistage, stratified cluster random survey of 1,200 adults was conducted to assess whether witnessing in the gacaca, the Rwandan village tribunals for truth and reconciliation, was beneficial for psychological health; thereby investigating the claim that truth telling is healing (Paper III). The results of the survey are disconcerting. Witnesses in the gacaca suffered from significantly higher levels of depression and posttraumatic stress disorder than non-witnesses also when controlling for important predictors for psychological ill-health such as gender or trauma exposure. To acquire a more comprehensive understanding of the experience of witnessing in the gacaca, in-depth interviews were conducted with 16 women genocide survivors who had witnessed in the gacaca (Paper IV). The results of this study challenge the claim that truth telling is healing, suggesting instead that there are risks for the individuals on whom truth-telling processes depend. Traumatization, ill-health, isolation, and insecurity dominate the lives of the testifying women. Insecurity as a result of the truth-telling process emerged as one of the most crucial issues at stake. This dissertation presents a novel understanding of the complexity of reconciliation in post-conflict peacebuilding, demonstrating that truth and reconciliation processes may entail more risks than were previously known. The results of this dissertation can be used to improve the study and the design of truth and reconciliation processes after civil war and genocide.

    List of papers
    1. Reconciliation: Theory and Practice for Development Cooperation
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Reconciliation: Theory and Practice for Development Cooperation
    Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-96850 (URN)
    Available from: 2008-03-28 Created: 2008-03-28 Last updated: 2017-05-03Bibliographically approved
    2. Analyzing Reconciliation: A Structured Method for Measuring National Reconciliation Initiatives
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Analyzing Reconciliation: A Structured Method for Measuring National Reconciliation Initiatives
    2008 (English)In: Peace and Conflict: The Journal of Peace Psychology, ISSN 1078-1919, E-ISSN 1532-7949, Vol. 14, no 3, p. 291-313Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Reconciliation efforts have become an almost routine element of postconflict peacebuilding. From a scientific point of view, we need tools to enable systematic studies of reconciliation. In this article a structured method for studying national reconciliation initiatives is suggested, focusing on public statements and behaviors of those in power. The aim is to contribute to the development of systematic research in the field, by designing a structured method to measure if, when and what kind of reconciliation initiatives promote durable peace and if and when they instead might be an obstacle to peacebuilding. Two widely used sources in peace and conflict research were used for coding: the Regional Survey of the World (RSW) and the Africa Research Bulletin (ARB). The analytical framework, built on Galtung’s well-known conflict triangle and applied to Rwanda and Mozambique, proves to be useful for structuring the analysis of reconciliation at this level. In addition, three hypotheses on reconciliation are generated which would benefit from further research.

    Keywords
    reconciliation, national level peacebuilding, method and hypotheses development
    National Category
    Social Sciences Interdisciplinary
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-96851 (URN)10.1080/10781910802017354 (DOI)
    Available from: 2008-03-28 Created: 2008-03-28 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
    3. The Trauma of Truth Telling: Effects of Witnessing in the Rwandan Gacaca Courts on Psychological Health
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>The Trauma of Truth Telling: Effects of Witnessing in the Rwandan Gacaca Courts on Psychological Health
    2010 (English)In: Journal of Conflict Resolution, ISSN 0022-0027, E-ISSN 1552-8766, Vol. 54, no 3, p. 408-437Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Truth telling has come to play a pivotal role in postconflict reconciliation processes around the world. A common claim is that truth telling is healing and will lead to reconciliation. The present study applies recent psychological research to this issue by examining whether witnessing in the gacaca, the Rwandan village tribunals for truth and reconciliation after the 1994 genocide, was beneficial for psychological health. The results from the multistage, stratified cluster random survey of 1,200 Rwandans demonstrate that gacaca witnesses suffer from higher levels of depression and PTSD than do nonwitnesses, also when controlling for important predictors of psychological ill health. Furthermore, longer exposure to truth telling has not lowered the levels of psychological ill health, nor has the prevalence of depression and PTSD decreased over time. This study strongly challenges the claim that truth telling is healing and presents a novel understanding of the complexity of truth-telling processes in postconflict peace building.

    Keywords
    truth commissions, truth telling, reconciliation, witnessing, PTSD, depression, Rwanda
    National Category
    Social Sciences Interdisciplinary
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-96852 (URN)10.1177/0022002709360322 (DOI)000278482400002 ()
    Available from: 2008-03-28 Created: 2008-03-28 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
    4. Truth Telling as Talking Cure?: Insecurity and Retraumatization in the Rwandan Gacaca Courts
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Truth Telling as Talking Cure?: Insecurity and Retraumatization in the Rwandan Gacaca Courts
    2008 (English)In: Security Dialogue, ISSN 0967-0106, E-ISSN 1460-3640, Vol. 39, no 1, p. 55-76Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    This article presents unique material from in-depth interviews with 16 women in Rwanda who have testified in the gacaca, the village tribunals initiated to enhance reconciliation after the 1994 genocide. The aim of the interviews was to learn more of how testifying in such a public event as the gacaca affects psychological health. Do the women find the experience healing or retraumatizing? Are there other effects involved? There has been an assumption that testifying in truth and reconciliation commissions is a healing experience for survivors, and healing has been a central concept in the general reconciliation literature and in political rhetoric around truth commissions. However, the findings of this study are alarming. Traumatization, ill-health, isolation, and insecurity dominate the lives of these testifying women. They are threatened and harassed before, during, and after giving testimony in the gacaca. The article provides a picture of the reconciliation process that we seldom see.

    Keywords
    truth and reconciliation commissions, healing, security, psychological health, Rwanda
    National Category
    Social Sciences Interdisciplinary
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-96853 (URN)10.1177/0967010607086823 (DOI)000253378000003 ()
    Available from: 2008-03-28 Created: 2008-03-28 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
  • 5.
    Cornell, Svante E.
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Autonomy and Conflict: Ethnoterritoriality and Separatism in the South Caucasus - Cases in Georgia2002Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Providing minority populations with autonomy is gaining appreciation as a method of solving,managing, and even pre-empting ethnic conflict. However, in spite of the enthusiasm for autonomy solutions among academics and practitioners alike, there is reason to argue that the provision of autonomy for a minority may under certain circumstances increase rather than decrease the likelihood of conflict. In certain political conditions, autonomy strengthens the separate identity of a minority; it thereby increases its incentives to collective action against the state; and most of all its capacity to seek separation from the central state, through the state-like institutions that autonomy entails. The objective of this dissertation is to investigate whether territorial autonomy was a contributing factor to the violent ethnic conflicts that have erupted in the South Caucasus since the late 1980s. It presents a theoretical argument to explain which qualities of autonomy solutions increase the likelihood of conflict; and then seeks to outline possible rival explanations derived from the theoretical literature. The dissertation then examines the explanatory value of autonomy as compared to nine other possible causal factors in a study of nine minorities in the South Caucasus. Finding that autonomy has the highest explanatory value of any of the factors under study, it then moves on to study in depth the five minorities existing on the territory of the republic of Georgia. Three of them, Abkhazia, Ajaria, and South Ossetia, were autonomous, whereas two (the Armenians and Azeris in Southern Georgia) had no autonomous status. The dissertation shows how the institution of autonomy, by promoting an ethnic elite in control of state-like institutions, and by enhancing factors such as leadership, economic viability, and external support, played a crucial together with these factors in the escalation to conflict in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, whereas the absence of autonomy mitigated conflict in Javaheti’s Armenian and Kvemo Kartli’s Azeri populations.

  • 6.
    Deglow, Annekatrin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Forces of Destruction and Construction: Local Conflict Dynamics, Institutional Trust and Postwar Crime2018Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In 2017 alone, an estimated 68,851 people lost their lives as a consequence of civil wars, that is, armed conflicts that take place within the borders of a state. Such violent conflicts not only lead to immense human suffering, but also leave social, economic and political imprints on the societies that experience them. This dissertation contributes to a burgeoning literature that seeks to understand these imprints by studying how local conflict dynamics affect two specific outcomes: institutional trust and postwar crime. It comprises four independent essays that pose separate research questions, but taken together make important contributions to our understanding of how subnational particularities related to conflict intensity, armed actors and the type of violence employed determine whether, how and why civil wars affect the outcomes of interest. Essay I finds that a large-scale insurgent attack on civilians led to an immediate increase in individual-level trust in state institutions in Kabul City. Essay II finds that conflict intensity at the local level in Afghanistan has a negative impact on individual-level perceptions of one specific state institution: the police. Essay III finds that the more an area in Northern Ireland was affected by wartime violence, the more crime it displayed in the postwar context, but that this effect is contingent on the actor perpetrating violence. Finally, Essay IV shows how conflict dynamics in a former insurgent stronghold of Northern Ireland (West Belfast) changed the style of policing at the local level, as well as the consequences this had for the police’s ability to enforce law and order in the postwar context. These findings speak to an emerging research agenda that studies the conditions under which civil wars function either as forces of destruction or as catalysts for societal development, and offer three larger conclusions: conflict dynamics shape the relationship between local populations and the state far into the postwar period; institutional consequences of armed conflict can translate into postwar challenges, such as crime; and conflict dynamics affect perceptions of state institutions in a quite similar manner across rather different contexts, in this case, Afghanistan and Northern Ireland.

    List of papers
    1. To Blame or to Support? Large-scale Insurgent Attacks on Civilians and Institutional Trust: Evidence from Kabul City
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>To Blame or to Support? Large-scale Insurgent Attacks on Civilians and Institutional Trust: Evidence from Kabul City
    (English)Manuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-361821 (URN)
    Available from: 2018-10-01 Created: 2018-10-01 Last updated: 2018-10-01
    2. "We Don't Talk to Police": Internal Armed Conflict and Individual-level Trust in the Police in Afghanistan
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>"We Don't Talk to Police": Internal Armed Conflict and Individual-level Trust in the Police in Afghanistan
    (English)Manuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-361822 (URN)
    Available from: 2018-10-01 Created: 2018-10-01 Last updated: 2018-10-01
    3. Localized legacies of civil war: Postwar violent crime in Northern Ireland
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Localized legacies of civil war: Postwar violent crime in Northern Ireland
    2016 (English)In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 53, no 6, p. 786-799Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    This study explores the local effects of internal armed conflict on postwar violent crime in Northern Ireland. It argues that exposure to wartime violence will lead to higher levels of violent crime in the aftermath of conflict. Particularly, it claims that exposure to violence committed by armed groups challenging the state (anti-government groups) will have this effect, as it erodes the legitimacy needed for local law enforcement agencies to function effectively. This, in turn, is expected to contribute to the emergence of a postwar public security gap that lowers opportunity costs to resort to violent crime for a range of local actors. To evaluate these propositions, spatial statistics on a subnational dataset covering war-related fatalities for the period 1969-98 and police crime records for the postwar period 2002-06 are employed. The results indicate that the more an area has been exposed to violence, and the larger the proportion of this violence committed by anti-government groups, the more violent crime on the local level. This study hence contributes both to the burgeoning literature on the legacies of civil war and to recent research emphasizing the need to disaggregate non-state actors.

    Keywords
    anti-government groups, civil war legacies, local level, Northern Ireland, postwar violent crime
    National Category
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-310769 (URN)10.1177/0022343316659692 (DOI)000387860700004 ()
    Available from: 2016-12-19 Created: 2016-12-19 Last updated: 2018-10-01Bibliographically approved
    4. Losing Hearts and Minds: Armed Conflict, Counterinsurgency Policing and Postwar Crime in West Belfast
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Losing Hearts and Minds: Armed Conflict, Counterinsurgency Policing and Postwar Crime in West Belfast
    (English)Manuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-361823 (URN)
    Available from: 2018-10-01 Created: 2018-10-01 Last updated: 2018-10-01
  • 7.
    Eck, Kristine
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Raising Rebels: Participation and Recruitment in Civil War2010Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Why do some individuals choose to participate in rebellion, and what recruitment tactics can rebel groups use to affect this decision? These questions are central to the study of civil war because rebel groups must raise troops in order to challenge the government and to survive as an organization. Indeed, much of the civil war literature builds on participation as a key causal mechanism, yet it is rarely specified in theoretical or empirical models. The dissertation attempts to open this black box by tackling three sets of gaps in the existing literature; these relate to the assumptions made in most studies, the theoretical bases for understanding participation and recruitment, and the record of empirical testing. Essay I examines whether a particular type of recruitment practice, ethnic mobilization, is associated with higher levels of violence. The results show that when rebel groups mobilize along ethnic lines, there is a higher risk for intensified violence. Essay II employs new data on rebel troop size to study what factors affect participation in rebellion. The findings indicate that concerns over personal security rather than economic and social incentives best explain participation. Essay III addresses coerced recruitment, positing that conflict dynamics affect whether rebel groups shift from voluntary to coerced recruitment. Using micro-level data on the conflict in Nepal, the results show that the more losses rebels suffer on the battlefield, the greater the number of individuals they subsequently abduct. Finally, the Nepal case study presented in Essay IV suggests that indoctrination as a recruitment strategy was more important to rebel leaders than other facets of the insurgency. Taken together, this dissertation indicates that there is analytical leverage to be had by examining not only the individual’s decision to participate, but also the rebel group’s recruitment strategy, and that these rebel strategies are flexible and contingent on conflict dynamics.

    List of papers
    1. Recruiting Rebels: Indoctrination and Political Education in Nepal
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Recruiting Rebels: Indoctrination and Political Education in Nepal
    2010 (English)In: The Maoist Insurgency in Nepal: Revolution in the 21st Century, London: Routledge , 2010Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    London: Routledge, 2010
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-17610 (URN)0-415-77717-8 (ISBN)
    Available from: 2008-07-20 Created: 2008-07-20 Last updated: 2010-03-18Bibliographically approved
    2. From Armed Conflict to War: Ethnic Mobilization and Conflict Intensification
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>From Armed Conflict to War: Ethnic Mobilization and Conflict Intensification
    2009 (English)In: International Studies Quarterly, ISSN 0020-8833, E-ISSN 1468-2478, Vol. 53, no 2, p. 369-388Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    This paper presents a new line of inquiry into ethnicity and armed conflict, asking the question: are conflicts in which rebels mobilize along ethnic lines more likely to see intensified violence than non-ethnically mobilized conflicts? The paper argues that the ascriptive nature of ethnicity eases the identification of potential rebels and facilitates a rebel group’s growth, leading to an increased risk for war. This proposition is empirically tested using a Cox model on all intrastate armed conflicts 1946–2004; the results show that ethnically-mobilized armed conflicts have a 92% higher risk for intensification to war. In extending the analysis, the study finds that the vast majority of conflicts intensified in the first year, but for every year a low-scale conflict remained active thereafter, the risk of intensification increased, peaking around year twelve.

    Keywords
    civil war, civil conflict, ethnic conflict
    National Category
    Social Sciences Interdisciplinary
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-120217 (URN)10.1111/j.1468-2478.2009.00538.x (DOI)000266637600006 ()
    Available from: 2010-03-10 Created: 2010-03-10 Last updated: 2018-01-12Bibliographically approved
    3. Participation in Rebellion: Rebel Troop Size, 1946-2007
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Participation in Rebellion: Rebel Troop Size, 1946-2007
    (English)Manuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper investigates the question of participation in rebellion using new time-series data on over 400 rebel groups during the period 1946-2007. Drawing on a number of theoretical literatures, the study investigates factors commonly argued to lead to increased levels of participation. Surprisingly, the study finds that neither material incentives (contraband, oil in conflict zone) nor social incentives (ethnic mobilization) were associated with larger rebel groups. Instead, security concerns are important in determining participation; the study finds that individuals are more likely to join rebel groups when repression is at intermediate levels. The results also find that gdp per capita is robustly correlated with larger troop sizes. This is the first cross-national study to explicitly investigate participation, and its findings present a number of challenges to common arguments within the civil war literature.

    Keywords
    civil conflict, civil war, participation, rebel groups, rebellion, rebels
    National Category
    Social Sciences Interdisciplinary
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-120218 (URN)
    Available from: 2010-03-10 Created: 2010-03-10 Last updated: 2018-01-12
    4. Coercion in Rebel Recruitment
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Coercion in Rebel Recruitment
    2014 (English)In: Security Studies, ISSN 0963-6412, E-ISSN 1556-1852, Vol. 23, no 2, p. 364-398Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Previous research on rebel recruitment has focused on the economic and social incentives groups use as enticements, but has overlooked the question of why many armed groups recruit using coercion. The puzzle is why coercion occurs despite alienating civilian populations and being costly in terms of organizational and military effectiveness. I argue that recruitment is a dynamic process and that groups are likely to shift recruitment strategies depending on the exigencies of the conflict. The study tests this argument by examining whether rebels are more likely to employ coercion after suffering losses on the battlefield. Using unique microlevel new data on the conflict in Nepal, the results show that the argument is supported: the more rebel fatalities on the battlefield, the more likely are rebels to employ coercion.

    Keywords
    civil conflict, civil war, rebellion, rebel recruitment, rebel group, rebels, Nepal, coercion
    National Category
    Social Sciences Interdisciplinary
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-120219 (URN)10.1080/09636412.2014.905368 (DOI)000335942000005 ()
    Available from: 2010-03-10 Created: 2010-03-10 Last updated: 2018-01-12Bibliographically approved
  • 8.
    Egnell, Robert
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Hojem, Petter
    Berts, Hannes
    Implementing a Gender Perspective in Military Organisations and Operations: The Swedish Armed Forces Model2012Report (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Since UNSCR 1325 was passed, the Swedish Armed Forces have gone through an impressive process of change from limited early projects to an institutionalised gender organisation that has worked to mainstream a gender perspective, to conduct training, and to establish specific gender-related functions, such as Gender Field Advisors and Gender Focal Points. The Gender Field Advisors have during this process been deployed with Swedish and international units in conflicts around the world and have thereby gained important experience as well as continued to refine the Swedish approach to gender implementation in military operations. The latest development has been the establishment of the Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations, which will seek to function as a platform for continued implementation of a gender perspective in both Sweden and abroad.

    The purpose of this report is to increase the understanding of these organisational processes, the driving factors and roadblocks within the armed forces, the activities conducted in the field and their impact at home and in the area of operations is essential to the continuing implementation of UNSCR 1325 and the implementation of a gender perspective more broadly. This understanding has the potential to provide support and lessons for similar processes in the armed forces of other countries and even other contexts.

  • 9.
    Elfversson, Emma
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Central Politics and Local Peacemaking: The Conditions for Peace after Communal Conflict2017Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Under what conditions can peace be established after violent communal conflict? This question has received limited research attention to date, despite the fact that communal conflicts kill thousands of people each year and often severely disrupt local livelihoods. This dissertation analyzes how political dynamics affect prospects for peace after communal conflict. It does so by studying the role of the central government, local state and non-state actors, and the interactions between these actors and the communal groups that are engaged in armed conflict. A particular focus is on the role of political bias, in the sense that central government actors have ties to one side in the conflict or strategic interests in the conflict issue. The central claim is that political bias shapes government strategies in the face of conflict, and influences the conflict parties’ strategic calculations and ability to overcome mistrust and engage in conflict resolution. To assess these arguments, the dissertation strategically employs different research methods to develop and test theoretical arguments in four individual essays. Two of the essays rely on novel data to undertake the first cross-national large-N studies of government intervention in communal conflict and how it affects the risk of conflict recurrence. Essay I finds that conflicts that are located in an economically important area, revolve around land and authority, or involve groups with ethnic ties to central rulers are more likely to prompt military intervention by the government. Essay II finds that ethnic ties, in turn, condition the impact that government intervention has on the risk of conflict recurrence. The other two essays are based on systematic analysis of qualitative sources, including unique and extensive interview material collected during several field trips to Kenya. Essay III finds that government bias makes it more difficult for the conflict parties to resolve their conflict through peace agreements. Essay IV finds that by engaging in governance roles otherwise associated with the state, non-state actors can become successful local peacemakers. Taken together, the essays make important contributions by developing, assessing and refining theories concerning the prospects for communal conflict resolution.

    List of papers
    1. Providing security or protecting interests?: Government interventions in violent communal conflicts in Africa
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Providing security or protecting interests?: Government interventions in violent communal conflicts in Africa
    2015 (English)In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 52, no 6, p. 791-805Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    What factors drive governments’ decisions to intervene in local conflicts within their borders? Communal conflict – that is, organized violence between non-state groups that are mobilized along a shared communal identity – kills thousands each year and severely impacts local livelihoods, at times threatening to spread and affect entire regions. Given the state’s assumed monopoly over the legitimate use of force, we should expect the concerned governments to be critical actors of the overall effort to restore peace in cases of local communal conflict, but empirical evidence indicates that central states tend to only intervene in some cases but not in others. This phenomenon has so far been understudied and the variations in states’ efforts to manage these conflicts remain unexplained. This article presents the first quantitative study of state intervention in communal conflicts. Building on existing scholarly work, I argue that state intervention is explained by a combination of strategic interests and state capacity, and that interests related to ethnic constituencies and land control play an important part in explaining governments’ strategies. These propositions find support in a statistical analysis covering sub-Saharan Africa from 1989 to 2010.

    Keywords
    Communal conflict, intervention, land control, non-state, non-state conflict, sub-Saharan Africa
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-265486 (URN)10.1177/0022343315597968 (DOI)000364164200007 ()
    Available from: 2015-10-29 Created: 2015-10-29 Last updated: 2017-12-01Bibliographically approved
    2. Whose side are you on? Government bias, intervention and the recurrence of communal conflict
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Whose side are you on? Government bias, intervention and the recurrence of communal conflict
    (English)Manuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324925 (URN)
    Available from: 2017-06-20 Created: 2017-06-20 Last updated: 2017-08-18
    3. The Political Conditions for Local Peacemaking: A Comparative Study of Communal Conflict Resolution in Kenya
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>The Political Conditions for Local Peacemaking: A Comparative Study of Communal Conflict Resolution in Kenya
    2019 (English)In: Comparative Political Studies, ISSN 0010-4140, E-ISSN 1552-3829, Vol. 52, no 13-14, p. 2061-2096Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    How does government bias affect prospects for peace agreements in communal conflicts? Government bias has been shown to have a strong impact on the incidence and dynamics of localized ethnic conflict, but the way that it affects conflict resolution remains underexplored. I argue that government bias makes the conflict parties less likely to overcome the commitment problem, because they cannot trust the government’s willingness to guarantee or uphold any agreement they reach. Consequently, bias reduces the chances that the parties are able to reach a peace agreement. A systematic comparison of four cases in Kenya provides support for this argument. I also distinguish between bias related to strategic interest and bias related to relationships, and find that the former is more durable, whereas the latter is more likely to be influenced by political turnover, thereby opening up possibilities for peacemaking.

    Keywords
    African politics, conflict resolution, communal conflict, ethnic conflict, Kenya
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-379112 (URN)10.1177/0010414019830734 (DOI)000487028700004 ()
    Available from: 2019-03-12 Created: 2019-03-12 Last updated: 2019-11-08Bibliographically approved
    4. Peace from below: Governance and peacebuilding in Kerio Valley, Kenya
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Peace from below: Governance and peacebuilding in Kerio Valley, Kenya
    2016 (English)In: Journal of Modern African Studies, ISSN 0022-278X, E-ISSN 1469-7777, Vol. 54, no 3, p. 469-493Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Under what circumstances can non-state actors become successful local peacemakers? A growing body of research documents the involvement of non-state actors in local conflict resolution in Africa. However, there is large variation in such actors' power, legitimacy, and ultimately their ability to contribute to conflict resolution. The ways in which contextual and dynamic factors at local and national levels, and in particular the relationship between non-state and state actors and institutions, affect local conflict resolution are not sufficiently understood. To address this gap, this paper analyses the peace process addressing a long-standing conflict in Kerio Valley, Kenya. The analysis illustrates how the failure of the state to provide security and basic services led non-state actors to fill important roles in governance. Through this process, they were endowed with legitimacy and power which enabled them to play key roles in a peace process that led to a mutually acceptable peace agreement.

    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-300965 (URN)10.1017/S0022278X16000227 (DOI)000382379300005 ()
    Available from: 2016-08-16 Created: 2016-08-16 Last updated: 2017-11-28Bibliographically approved
  • 10.
    Engberg, Katarina
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The EU´s Collective Use of Force: Exploring the Factors behind its First Military Operations2011Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The EU has since 2003 carried out six military operations.  This thesis seeks to determine the circumstances under which the EU will, or will not, undertake military operations.  It does so through the study of two main cases of EU military operations: the case when an operation was planned in the Lebanon war 2006 but did not occur, and the positive case of EUFOR RD Congo that same year which did occur. Three additional cases are presented. An analytical tool built on the techniques of defence planning and concepts derived from the scholarly literature is applied to the cases for the purpose of identifying the main driving and inhibiting factors behind the operations. The functional  theme of the use of force and the organizational theme of the multilateralisation of intervention serve as the main scholarly concepts.  The interaction between the intervener and the local actors, as well as between political and resource factors, is introduced in order to create an integrated framework for the analysis of the dynamics at play in the EU’s use of force. The limitations to the "jus bellum" tradition is noted in the analysis of the EU´s operations that have situated themselves in a low-to-middle bandwidth in terms of interests and risks at stake. Among the findings, the growing importance of local actors in shaping the room for the EU´s deployment of military force stands out, as do resource constraints, in the EU´s case primarily in the form of its limited command and control structures but also through the overstretch of the global pool of expeditionary forces felt around 2006. As seen from the organizational perspective, the EU´s first military operations can best be understood in the context of the increasing role of regional security providers in an unofficial division of labour with regard to the multilateralisation of intervention.

  • 11.
    Fjelde, Hanne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Sins of Omission and Commission: The Quality of Government and Civil Conflict2009Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Is the risk of civil conflict related to the quality of government? This dissertation contributes to the quantitative research on this topic. First, it provides a more nuanced account of the role of the government in influencing the risk of civil conflict. In doing so, the dissertation bridges a gap between the quantitative literature, which primarily focuses on types of regimes, and the qualitative literature, which emphasizes variations in how political authority is exercised within these institutions. Second, the dissertation introduces novel measures of the quality of government, and tests their association with civil peace across countries, over time. The dissertation consists of an introductory chapter and four separate essays. Essay I examines the risk of conflict across different types of authoritarian regimes. The statistical results suggest that single-party regimes have a lower risk of civil conflict than military and multi-party authoritarian regimes. The finding is attributed to the high capacity for coercion and co-optation within single-party institutions. Essay II studies whether cross-national variations in the occurrence of civil conflict are due to differences in the quality of government. The essay finds that governments that are not able to carry through such basic governing tasks as protecting property rights and providing public goods, render themselves vulnerable to civil conflict. The focus of Essay III is on patronage politics, meaning that rulers rely on the distribution of private goods to retain the support necessary to stay in power. The statistical results suggest that patronage politics per se increase the risk of conflict. The conflict-inducing effect is mediated by large oil-wealth, however, because the government can use the wealth strategically to buy off opposition. Essay IV argues that patronage politics can also lead to violent conflict between groups. The results from a statistical analysis, based on unique sub-national data on inter-group conflict in Nigeria, are consistent with this argument. Taken together, the findings of this dissertation suggest that both the form and degree of government have a significant influence on the risk of civil conflict.

    List of papers
    1. Generals, Dictators, and Kings: Authoritarian Regimes and Civil Conflict, 1973-2004
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Generals, Dictators, and Kings: Authoritarian Regimes and Civil Conflict, 1973-2004
    2010 (English)In: Conflict Management and Peace Science, ISSN 0738-8942, E-ISSN 1549-9219, Vol. 27, no 3, p. 195-218Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Recent years have seen a surge of literature examining how political institutions influence the risk of civil conflict. A comparatively neglected aspect of this debate has been the heterogeneous impact of different forms of authoritarianism. In this article, I theoretically and empirically unpack the authoritarian regime category. I argue that authoritarian regimes differ both in their capacity to forcefully control opposition and in their ability to co-opt their rivals through offers of power positions and rents. Authoritarian regimes thus exhibit predictable differences in their ability to avoid organized violent challenges to their authority. I examine the association between four types of authoritarian regimes-military, monarchy, single-party, and multi-party electoral autocracies-and the onset of civil conflict from 1973 to 2004. I find that military regimes and multi-party electoral autocracies run a higher risk of armed conflict than single-party authoritarian regimes, which on the other hand seem to have an institutional set-up that makes them particularly resilient to armed challenges to their authority. These findings suggest that the emerging view, that political institutions are not a significant determinant of civil conflict, results from treating a heterogeneous set of authoritarian regimes as homogenous.

    National Category
    Social Sciences
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-109956 (URN)10.1177/0738894210366507 (DOI)000278872600001 ()
    Available from: 2009-11-02 Created: 2009-11-02 Last updated: 2017-10-30
    2. Coercion, Co-optation , or Co-operation?: State Capacity and the Risk of Civil War, 1961 - 2004
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Coercion, Co-optation , or Co-operation?: State Capacity and the Risk of Civil War, 1961 - 2004
    2009 (English)In: Conflict Management and Peace Science, ISSN 0738-8942, E-ISSN 1549-9219, Vol. 26, no 1, p. 05-25Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Recent research identifies state capacity as a crucial determinant of civil peace. Scholars often interpret the association between wealth and peace as state capacity effects, but they have not clearly distinguished the impact of administrative reach and capacity for coercion from those effects that may capture good governance related to the provision of political goods and quality of institutions.We revisit the relationship between state capacity and civil peace by suggesting three different pathways through which the state avoids violent challenges to its authority: coercion, co-optation, and cooperation.We evaluate these three different notions of governing capacity both analytically and empirically, and we find that high levels of government spending on political goods and trustworthy institutions are more significant predictors of civil peace than are states' coercive capacities.The results suggest that civil peace is co-produced by social and state forces, where quasi-voluntary cooperation from society increases state capacity for maintaining peace.This is good news for policies aimed at building state capacity, since there seems to be room for agency beyond simply waiting for societies to become wealthy.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    London: Sage Publication, 2009
    Keywords
    Armed conflict, Civil war, Contract-intensive money, Quality of governance, Relative political capacity, State capacity
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-109955 (URN)10.1177/0738894208097664 (DOI)000263161800001 ()
    Available from: 2009-11-02 Created: 2009-11-02 Last updated: 2018-01-12
    3. Buying Peace? Oil Wealth, Corruption and Civil War, 1985-99
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Buying Peace? Oil Wealth, Corruption and Civil War, 1985-99
    2009 (English)In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 462, no 2, p. 199-218Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    This article argues that, contrary to received wisdom, political corruption is not necessarily associated with a higher risk of civil war in oil-rich states. Political corruption can be used to accommodate opposition and placate restive groups by offering private privilege in exchange for political loyalty. Since oil wealth is associated with large rents accruing in state treasuries, it provides an economic foundation for such clientelist rule. This article thus argues that oil-rich governments can use political corruption to buy support from key segments of society, effectively outspending other entrepreneurs of violence. Based on a logit analysis of civil war onsets, 1985-99, the article finds support for this 'co-optation argument'. A negative and statistically significant interaction term between oil production and political corruption is consistent across different models and robust to a number of specifications. While both variables per se increase the risk of conflict overall, higher levels of corruption seem to weaken the harmful impact of oil on the risk of civil war. This finding suggests the need for a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between natural resource wealth, governance and armed conflict. Political corruption has prolonged poverty and bred economic and political inequality in many oil-rich states, but it has also helped cement powerful alliances with a stake in the continuation of the corrupt regimes.

    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-109953 (URN)10.1177/0022343308100715 (DOI)000264377200003 ()
    Available from: 2009-11-02 Created: 2009-11-02 Last updated: 2018-01-12
    4. Sub-National Determinants of Non-State Conflicts in Nigeria, 1991-2006
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Sub-National Determinants of Non-State Conflicts in Nigeria, 1991-2006
    2009 (English)Conference paper, Published paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Existing literature on non-state conflict tends to either focus on issues of resource scarcity or on ethnic/religious divisions. Largely overlooked in the empirical literature is the issue of how governance influences the risk that non-state actors take up arms against each other. This paper addresses this issue by examining the occurrence of non-state armed conflicts in Nigeria, claiming more than 7000 lives between 1991 and 2006. I suggest that at the macro level, the government’s strategy of replacing conventional state capacity with a centralized patronage sys- tem, based on purchasing political restraint, explains the proliferation of inter-group violence. Based on the interpretation of non-state conflicts as an expression of institutionalized rent- seeking, I derive testable hypotheses regarding where within a country such conflicts are most likely to occur. Utilizing GIS software and new, unique event based data at the sub-national level in Nigeria, the paper explores local determinants of non-state conflicts. The results lend some support to the notion that non-state actors fight both over wealth and over the political access that secure access to such wealth.

    National Category
    Social Sciences
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-109959 (URN)
    Conference
    the ISA's 50th ANNUAL CONVENTION "EXPLORING THE PAST, ANTICIPATING THE FUTURE"
    Available from: 2009-11-02 Created: 2009-11-02 Last updated: 2014-01-24Bibliographically approved
  • 12.
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Neighbors at Risk: A Quantitative Study of Civil War Contagion2009Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    While previous research shows that civil wars can spread to neighboring states, we do not know why certain neighbors are more at risk than others. To address this research gap, this dissertation proposes a contagion process approach that can identify the most likely targets of contagion effects from an ongoing conflict. Using data with global coverage, theoretical expectations about why and where civil wars would have contagion effects, are examined in a series of statistical analyses. Paper I argues and empirically supports that a country is more susceptible to contagion effects when it is characterized by ethnic polarization, where few ethnic groups form a delicate balance. Paper II argues and provides evidence that the involvement in conflict by an ethnic group in one country increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict erupting in a neighboring country that shares the same ethnic group. Paper III suggests and finds support that the arrival and long-term hosting of refugees from states in civil conflict make host states more likely to experience civil conflict. Paper IV examines the common notion that the granting of autonomy or independence to separatist groups may spur other ethnic groups to violently pursue similar demands, starting off a domino effect. Using new global data on such territorial concessions, the analysis does not support this version of the “domino theory,” which is popular among policy-makers. In sum, this dissertation contributes by demonstrating the usefulness of the contagion process approach. It offers a more comprehensive view of contagion among neighbors, and as such is able to specify arguments and intuitions in previous research.

    List of papers
    1. Polarization and Ethnic Conflict in a Widened Strategic Setting
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Polarization and Ethnic Conflict in a Widened Strategic Setting
    2008 (English)In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 45, no 2, p. 283-300Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Ethnic groups and conflicts often transcend country borders, indicating that notions of relative strength and resolve may also surpass such borders. This study focuses on the association between ethnic polarization and conflict in a widened strategic environment, encapsulating each state that experiences ethnic conflict and its neighboring states, and involving contagion processes. Two claims are presented. First, when a state experiences ethnic conflict, neighboring states that are ethnically polarized are more likely to also experience ethnic conflict. Second, when a group involved in ethnic conflict has a kinship tie to a group in a neighboring state, the latter group is increasingly likely to be inspired to challenge the government and end up in ethnic conflict. This should be especially likely if the group resides in a state characterized by ethnic polarization. To evaluate these claims, this article employs logit regression on a global dataset covering the period from 1989 to 2004. The empirical analysis supports the first claim; polarized states are indeed associated with an increased likelihood of contagion processes. The findings also demonstrate that kinship links make contagion more likely; however, this effect is not conditioned by the level of ethnic polarization. The results are robust to a series of alternative specifications. In conclusion, these findings point to the importance of incorporating a widened strategic setting in the analysis when examining the association between ethnic polarization and civil conflict.

     

    National Category
    Social Sciences Interdisciplinary
    Research subject
    Peace and Conflict Research
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-87711 (URN)10.1177/0022343307087185 (DOI)000255002500009 ()
    Available from: 2009-01-08 Created: 2009-01-08 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
    2. Transnational Ethnic Groups as Transmitters of Conflict Contagion
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Transnational Ethnic Groups as Transmitters of Conflict Contagion
    (English)Manuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    National Category
    Social Sciences Interdisciplinary
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-107575 (URN)
    Available from: 2009-08-18 Created: 2009-08-18 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
    3. Refugees and Intrastate Armed Conflict: A Contagion Process Approach
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Refugees and Intrastate Armed Conflict: A Contagion Process Approach
    (English)Manuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    National Category
    Social Sciences Interdisciplinary
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-107576 (URN)
    Available from: 2009-08-18 Created: 2009-08-18 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
    4. Do Ethnic Dominoes Fall?: Evaluating Domino Effects of Granting Territorial Concessions to Separatist Groups
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Do Ethnic Dominoes Fall?: Evaluating Domino Effects of Granting Territorial Concessions to Separatist Groups
    2013 (English)In: International Studies Quarterly, ISSN 0020-8833, E-ISSN 1468-2478, Vol. 57, no 2, p. 329-340Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Forsberg, Erika. (2013) Evaluating Domino Effects of Granting Territorial Concessions to Separatist Groups. International Studies Quarterly, doi: 10.1111/isqu.12006 (c) 2013 International Studies Association There is a commonly expressed concern that granting territorial concessions to separatist groups may create domino effects. However, although this statement is largely undisputed within political rhetoric, no firm conclusions have been provided in previous research. The purpose of this study is to systematically examine whether the granting of territorial concessions to an ethnic group does indeed spur new separatist conflicts. I suggest that such domino effects may be generated by two processes. First, the accommodation of an ethnic group's separatist demands may trigger a general inspiration process among other groups within and across borders. Second, by acquiescing to separatist demands, a government signals that it may also yield to the demands of other groups it confronts, making it more likely that other groups choose to pursue secessionism. Statistical analysis of data on territorial concessions globally 1989-2004 provides no evidence of domino effects. This holds true both within and across borders.

    National Category
    Social Sciences
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-107577 (URN)10.1111/isqu.12006 (DOI)000320561100008 ()
    Available from: 2009-08-18 Created: 2009-08-18 Last updated: 2017-12-13Bibliographically approved
  • 13.
    Fox, Mary-Jane
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.