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This chapter focuses on the burning of the Quran and the Hebrew Bible and the relation between bibliocaust and holocaust. I will begin with the recent series of Quran burnings in Sweden and then revisit history, from the ceremonial Quran burnings in Granada 1499 via the Nazi bonfires of 1933 back to our time and show how book burnings throughout this history have been used as a way of ridding society of the evil these books were seen as associated with and how this frequently included the people who read and cherished these books.

Why do white radical nationalists across the global north believe that (white) ‘native’ people are currently being ‘replaced’ with (nonwhite) ‘alien’ people? Why has an increasing number of individual white nationalists come to the conclusion that ‘resistance’ against this alleged ‘invasion’ of ‘their’ territory best is launched by them indiscriminately killing nonarmed people they do not even know the names of?  Why would such atrocities be hailed as exemplary acts of heroic masculinity? Building on ethnographic material and text analysis of white radical nationalist writings, this chapter explores these questions by 1) tracing the genealogy of the white genocide/great replacement theory to the history of settler colonialism and ethnic cleansing and the replacement model white nationalists find in their historiography of the Spanish reconquista; 2) following the tracks of the lone wolf through the political landscape of white nationalism; 3) discussing the role of the hero, violence, eros, and death in fascist cultural production; and 4) investigating the role of the People as a political referent in different versions of post-1945 fascist revolutionary theory. 

This article explores how "the left" meme and the character and emotional reception of taboo-breaking therein via the case of r/DankLeft—a USA-centric Marxist, Anarchist, and Democratic Socialist Internet meme community. It asks: what themes do popular r/DankLeft Internet memes relate to, how does taboo feature within popular r/DankLeft Internet memes, and can any differences in the ways in which taboo-related r/DankLeft Internet memes are received be discerned. In turn, it carries out a thematic analysis of 366 popular memes, a multimodal critical discourse analysis of 41 taboo-related popular memes, and a comparative sentiment analysis of the comments these and other memes have received in r/DankLeft. The article finds that popular memes in r/DankLeft primarily relate to perceived threats to its community of users. It also shows that taboo-breaking does feature in r/DankLeft memes and that when it does correlative patterns emerge in terms of popularity and emotional reception.

This chapter, analyzes the actions and writings of transnational far-right terrorist actors like Anders Breivik and Brenton Tarrant, examining the influence of key ideas like the Great Replacement theory and tracing their genealogy in a much longer history of radical nationalist thought. Having followed the intertextual references in this earlier historic white nationalist literature, the article arrives at the observation that modern-day white extremist manifestos rarely contain anything new, but rather reproduce ideas and perspectives that have been around for a long time: a weaponized white entitlement to land, resources, and privileges; the idea of a fundamental connection between white people and the territory claimed to be exclusively theirs; blood and soil, race, and space; the colonial venture, and the “right” to white racial lebensraum at the expense of other kinds of people; the project of “reclaiming” Europe for white (Christian) folks by forcibly excluding the nonwhite presence; the crusades and the Reconquista; claims of being the rightful manager of the racialized classificatory order; the demographic panic; and the fear of losing power, control, hegemony, and majority advantage; and, of course, the dystopic projections of racial suicide, racial genocide, and racial replacement.

This position paper argues for an interdisciplinary agenda relating crises to on-going processes of normalization of anti- and post-democratic action. We call for exploring theoretically and empirically the ‘new normal’ logic introduced into public imagination on the back of various crises, including the recent ‘Refugee Crisis’ in Europe, COVID-19 pandemic, or the still ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine. Gathering researchers of populism, extremism, discrimination, and other formats of anti- and post-democratic action, we propose investigating how, why, and under which conditions, discourses and practices underlying normalization processes re-emerge to challenge the liberal democratic order. We argue exploring the multiple variants of ‘the new normal’ related to crises, historically and more recently. We are interested in how and why these open pathways for politics of exclusion, inequality, xenophobia and other patterns of anti- and post-democratic action while deepening polarization and radicalization of society as well as propelling far-right politics and ideologies.

The term “lone wolf” is a metaphor that began to be used by advocates of White radical nationalism in the United States in the 1970s to name unorganized individuals who committed violent crime, including murder, to further White racist and White radical nationalist aims. In the 1980s and 1990s, seminal radical nationalist thinkers, including James Mason, William Pierce, Louis Beam, Tom Metzger, and David Lane, incorporated lone wolf violence as part of decentralized revolutionary tactics, often, although not exclusively, named “leaderless resistance.” Contemplating the fact that White racist organizations, including the Ku Klux Klan, had not been able to safeguard the privileges, resources, and powers long attached to Whiteness by US law, Mason, Pierce, Beam, Metzger, and Lane concluded that White racist organizations not only were too dysfunctional but also far too visible, and therefore easy to monitor, infiltrate, and neutralize. While the White nationalist cause still needed public figures and organizations to attract and educate new cadres, armed White racist resistance had to be decentralized and leaderless. White nationalist leaders should issue generalized calls to arms but give no direct orders and have no knowledge about who was planning to do what. The perpetrators would themselves be responsible for preparing and executing their violent crime and securing adequate resources. The lone wolf should go under the radar and melt into the general population by avoiding racist organizations and attributes and should never tell anyone about his—White racist lone wolves are so far predominantly male—opinions and activities. The perpetrator would risk his life or freedom but be awarded heroic status in the White nationalist hall of fame. To White nationalist leaders, the tactics are cost effective. Should the lone wolf succeed, the violence would benefit the cause; should he fail, he could bring down no one. During the Internet age, the lone wolf tactics spread through viral marketing and globalized media throughout what White nationalists call the “once White world” in America, Europe, South Africa, and Oceania. The tactics had by then evolved into two schools or types of lone wolves: the lone racist serial offender, who seeks to avoid getting caught and operates in the shadows for an extended period of time; and the mega-impact lone wolf, who wants to get everyone’s attention by one sensational attack, in which the perpetrator is more likely to die or get caught during, or immediately after, the big assault—a sacrifice that is likely to increase the fame of the perpetrator. Both lone wolf types count on the media to amplify their impact and heroic status, and to spread the message of the White revolution to which lone wolves seek to contribute. Lone wolves inspire copycats, and the number of attacks escalated during the first decades of the new millennium. In early 2020, the increase of lone wolf violence was interrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic, as restrictions closed attackers’ favorite targets, for example, mosques, synagogues, churches, and schools, and imposed curfews and banned public gatherings.

Rasism har långtgående konsekvenser för människors livsvillkor och för samhällets demokratiska grund. Samtidigt är rasism inte en naturordning utan ett politiskt problem som kan påverkas och på sikt åtgärdas. För att förändra rasism krävs kunskapsbaserat arbete och ändamålsenliga uppföljningsverktyg. Vi behöver förstå vad rasism är, hur dess mekanismer fungerar och hur den inverkar på den ojämlika fördelningen av status, resurser, möjligheter och sårbarhet på befolkningsnivå.Att mäta rasism utan att reproducera rasism är dock en utmanande uppgift. Rasism refererar till raser, en form av social kategorisering som på vissa plan övergivits men som samtidigt har påtagliga effekter för olika gruppers ojämlika livsvillkor. Som objekt för mätning är raser besvärliga då ras definieras kontextuellt och relationellt och ständigt omförhandlas. Dessutom har raskategoriseringar och rasdifferentierad statistik ett mörkt förflutet som kärnan i den vetenskapliga rasismens och den statliga rashygienens historia. I denna bok undersöks frågan om att mäta rasism från en rad teoretiska och historiska synvinklar. Hur kan rasism definieras? Vad är rasbegreppets historia? Vilken roll har statistik spelat i statliga styrsystem? Är våra identiteter fasta, eller skiftande? Vad hände med försöken att införa jämlikhetsdata på kommunal nivå? Hur långt kan man komma med befintliga metoder för att mäta antisvart rasism på arbetsmarknaden? Boken avslutas med att presentera att konkret förslag på hur rasismens effekter för olika befolkningsgrupper skulle kunna mätas utan att först fastställa och utgå från förbestämda raskategorier: Balingsholmsmodellen. Denna metod kan användas för att återkommande undersöka hur rasism inverkar på människors livsvillkor på nationell och regional nivå.

Following the post-1945 fall of state-institutionalised fascism, a segment of the remaining faithful who refused to change skin sought to reconcile the expectations of fascism's infallibility with experienced reality by turning inwards into a world of esoteric mysticism. This chapter explores three articulations of occult Nordicism seminal to the wider political landscape of Nordic radical nationalism after 1945: (1) the Ario-Hindu pathworks of Miguel Serrano, the sage of hitlerismo esoterico, and Savitri Devi, “Hitler's Priestess”; (2) the retrotopian heathenry of racist Norse paganism; and (3) the dark undercurrent of extreme, black, occult pagan metal. The first two are esoteric ideologies, construing the Nordic through esoteric teachings and practice, while the third is an unruly scene of dark culture in which the Nordic is construed through arts and music. Beyond its empirical explorations, this chapter seeks to contribute to the conversation of comparative fascism studies by reflecting theoretically on populism, elitism, and the role of “the People” in fascist thought and practice.

When Brenton Tarrant live-streamed his massacre of 51 Muslims in Christchurch, NZ, in March 2019, he was but one in a series of lone-acting white men committing violent crime to further the radical white nationalist aim to save the white race from extinction and establish a white ethnostate. From where did white nationalists get the notion of an ongoing white genocide? Why should “resistance” against a perceived invasion of “white” territory be launched by individual “lone wolves” massacring non-combatants they had no prior relation to? How could slaughtering children be construed as a heroic act that a perpetrator wants to broadcast to the world? Based on a collection of interviews with lone wolves, their victims, and supporters, and a close reading of lone wolf, fascist, and radical nationalist material and communication, this Element provides answers to these and adjacent questions of importance.