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Rising geopolitical tensions are fueling what appears to be a new nuclear arms race, marked by heightened nuclear proliferation risks and new pathways for illicit trade. Advances in cybercrime and cryptocurrency have further expanded the tools available to non-state actors and states alike, complicating global nonproliferation efforts.

Traditionally, countries have relied on sanctions to curb nuclear proliferation, often without fully accounting for the underlying drivers of such behavior. Yet, sanctions alone rarely achieve their intended outcomes and can even strengthen a targeted regime's resolve by reinforcing narratives of foreign hostility.

To reduce escalation and foster meaningful engagement, sanction-sending countries should adopt a more balanced approach that integrates sanctions with strategic inducements.

Key recommendations include:

• Provide clear, consistent and unambiguous communication regarding the policy of sanctions as well as inducements.
• Engage creatively to complement sanctions with clear and explicit policies of inducements.
• Ensure the implementation of agreements is supported by reciprocal monitoring and inspection mechanisms, with the option to reintroduce punitive sanctions if necessary.

Who are the mediators in international mediation? Where do they come from, why do they take up assignments, and what are their mandates? Isak Svensson and Peter Wallensteen – leading experts in mediation and conflict resolution – focus on the experiences of mediators and their mandates in Nordic countries, primarily Sweden, Norway, and Finland. They explore why these countries are popular for this type of work, what their assets and shortcomings are, and how smaller countries can generate support for their efforts. Furthermore, they develop the “mediation staircase” to assess achievements of mediation as a way to more effectively evaluate mediation with different types of mandates. The Peacemaking Mandate uses the Nordic experiences to provide valuable lessons for contemporary armed conflicts, wars, and peace processes, which are becoming ever more important in times of turbulence across the world.

The increased urgency of nuclear tensions requires a closer look at what can be done, for instance, with the help of sanctions. This chapter offers an overview of the sanctions’ role in international law and international relations to date. It assesses their impact and effectiveness, adherence to human rights, international legitimacy, and legality. The chapter then zooms into the interplay between sanctions and nuclear non-proliferation and, in so doing, reflects on the main findings and conclusions of each chapter of the volume. It draws on, and stresses, one of the main threads of this volume: the fine balancing act between coercive measures and positive inducements as a necessary prerequisite in diplomacy and politics to help increase the likelihood of a positive outcome, that is disarmament or non-proliferation. Further, the chapter emphasizes that, apart from seeking to change the behaviour of target states, sanctions have expressive or normative functions. In the end, rather than offering definitive answers, the chapter takes stock of the advantages and pitfalls related to sanctions. It asks key questions and offers direction for further and much-needed academic and policy research that would build on the current body of work.

What is the interplay between sanctions, nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation? Could sanctions be useful in achieving nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, or could they have the opposite effect – inadvertently pushing states towards acquiring nuclear arsenal? Under what conditions and circumstances could that happen? How important are sanctions in bringing about negotiations and in affecting change during negotiations and their implementation? How relevant are sanctions today, and when do they matter? This chapter – and by extension, this volume – aims to revisit the notion of sanctions, notably by distinguishing between positive and negative measures (incentives and coercion), in relation to nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. By looking closely at a number of real-world cases, the chapter helps to identify possible cause-and-effect examples based on empirical evidence. This introductory chapter provides a succinct literature review on the subject, summarises present findings and proposes a theoretical framework that points to the utility of sanctions (positive or negative) in encouraging nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. It then offers an overview of the volume’s structure and content and explains the selection of cases and their contributions to a general understanding.

This book examines the interplay between sanctions and nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation.

The volume aims to tackle three separate but closely intertwined issues:

1. It aims to revisit the debate on, and deconstruct the concept of, sanctions; to provide a working theoretical framework; to differentiate between positive sanctions (or incentives or carrots) and negative sanctions; to identify the actors who may initiate sanctions (i.e. states, regional, and/or international organizations); to ascertain the legality and legitimacy of such sanctions taking place; to problematize and discuss the utility of sanctions; and so on.

2. It aims to disentangle the concepts of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, particularly in light of the most recent geopolitical global shifts on nuclear powers-interplay taking place in the background of the war in Ukraine and rising tensions in Southeast Asia, and so on.

3. Finally, it aims to conjoin the cause-and-effect cases between the application of sanctions, on the one hand, and the decision by states to pursue nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, on the other. By doing so, the volume helps to update and stimulate the academic and policy debate on the inter-relation between sanctions and nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation.

This book will be of much interest to students of nuclear non-proliferation, economic sanctions, security studies, and International Relations.

This book is about the importance of nuclear disarmament and the work pursued by Alva Myrdal, a pioneering social activist, diplomat, cabinet minister, and disarmament negotiator. She was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1982 together with Alfonso García Robles "for their work for disarmament and nuclear and weapon-free zones". Prominent academics, politicians and practitioners have contributed reflections on Myrdal’s achievements and their impact on the world today. Furthermore, a sample of Myrdal’s own writings on nuclear disarmament are included, as well as significant speeches and a bibliography of her publications on nuclear matters.

To evaluate today’s challenges to peace and security it is appropriate to take a long-term perspective. A look at the trends in armed conflicts is a starting-point. Data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Project (UCDP) help us in this regard. The assessment also requires a study of the relationships between the actors most responsible for keeping international peace and security, the major powers, again observing pertinent trends. This will be approached in terms of particularistic and universalistic relations. Finally, it needs a discussion on possible alternatives in order to keep a focus on a world of peace and security that is beneficial for the entire international system and, in that sense, for the planet as a whole. This chapter is devoted to these three tasks.

This article discusses the role of academics for dialogue across conflict divides.