The railway sector has recently seen an increased interest in automation, and advances in onboard monitoring technologies, driver-assisting systems, and automatic train operations (ATO) promise improvements in safety, punctuality, and operational efficiency (Jansson et al., 2023; Singh et al., 2021). Given this interest in automated systems, it is essential to better understand the role of the train driver to determine which train driving tasks can be safely replaced by technology, and which cannot (Jansson et al., 2023).
Train driving is often described as a predominantly visual task, structured by compliance with signalling systems and formal operating protocols (Luke et al., 2006). While these are important components of the train driver's role, this paper aims to explore the role of situated and embodied knowledge in the practice of train driving.
Studying work “in the wild”, as it naturally unfolds, has provided many examples of how knowledge and expertise is not internal to the individual’s mind but in fact distributed and embodied in the social and material environment in which the human is engaging with the world (e.g., Clark, 1997; Gallagher, 2005; Hutchins, 1995; Suchman, 1987). In the context of railway work, traffic controllers have been shown to develop a sense of meaning for places beyond their physical reach from the control room, a phenomenon described as “remote situatedness” (Cort & Lindblom, 2025). This ability is fundamental to the traffic controllers’ capacity to make sense of and appropriately handle situations occurring along the railway. In a similar manner, Willems (2018) demonstrates how train dispatchers develop a bodily and sensory engagement with the railway, which is foundational to their work practices and the responsiveness needed for safe and effective coordination of traffic. These are a few instances where the situated and embodied knowledge, often tacit and difficult for workers to articulate, have been demonstrated to be essential for the successful execution of work practices. This type of knowledge suggests that knowing cannot be separated from doing, and that knowledge resides in the situated, embodied, and material practices of work (Gherardi, 2009). Despite its critical role in work practices, situated and embodied knowledge remains surprisingly underexplored in many professional settings—train driving being one of them (c.f., Andreasson et al., 2019).
The findings presented here are based on selected material from a collection of workplace studies within the context of Swedish operational train traffic, conducted over a period of 2,5 years. As workplace studies make use of ethnographic methods as tools of inquiry, they are a prominent method for making aspects of work practices visible (Szymanski & Whalen, 2011). 13 train drivers participated, they all worked for Sweden’s largest railway undertaking for passenger trains, and had 2-30 years of experience. The primary method for data collection was participatory observations of work as it was carried out by train drivers in the locomotive, along with contextual interviews. Accordingly, the main data sources were field notes from the observation sessions and interview transcripts. The analysis was inspired by theories of situated, distributed, and embodied cognition (Gallagher, 2005; Hutchins, 1995; Suchman, 1987), which are well-suited for studying dynamic, time-pressured work (Barsalou et al., 2003; Rogers & Marshall, 2017), and followed the systematic process of thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Below, I have selected a few passages to exemplify the role of situated and embodied practices of train driving.
The locomotive is a noisy environment filled with the constant hum of engines, vibrations, and the rhythmic sounds of the wheels against the tracks. The cab is small and enclosed with limited space for movement, placing the driver close to controls, displays, and communication devices. Early on in the study, a driver compared train driving to using a sewing machine: “you only need to step on the gas”. This suggests that operating the train is a simple, almost automatic task; however, it soon became apparent that this suggested simplicity was misleading and that drivers, in fact, are in a constant state of attunement with the train and its surrounding environment. This was evident in a moment during fieldwork when a driver suddenly asked: “Can you hear that? The brakes... On the left side... That’s not right.” To me, as a novice in this setting, the sounds was just indistinct noise, but the experienced driver was sensitised to what needed attention. Next time the train came to a full stop, he provided some type of maintenance to the braking system, then listened carefully again as the journey continued and concluded, “that’s much better.”
Besides being attuned to the train and its equipment, another recurring theme is how drivers display a bodily sense of the railway and subtle changes in track conditions. Several drivers described how they could “feel” that the tracks were slippery (most likely due to fallen leaves). “The grip feels different. I can’t explain it. It is just different”, one driver tried to explain. Clearly, these sensations are difficult to verbalise but they seem to be immediately recognisable to experienced drivers, who instinctively adjust their driving in response. “If something is wrong, you just know it. I can feel it”, another driver explained, insinuating that it is a bodily familiarity that enables them to detect irregularities through sound, feel, and rhythm.
Theoretically, these examples support the idea that thinking and knowing are not confined to the brain but are distributed throughout the sensorimotor system and shaped by ongoing engagement with the physical world (Gallagher, 2005; Hutchins, 1995). For the train driver, the locomotive is not just a machine to be operated but an extension of the driver’s body. The ability to sense when something is “off” reflects this embodied form of knowledge, which enables drivers to anticipate and respond to emerging situations in a proactive manner. This demonstrates situated and embodied practices where the driver’s body and senses are used as instruments for detecting irregularities, often before any technical warnings appear. In contrast, automated systems rely on discrete thresholds, predefined input parameters, and explicit signal logic. While such systems are effective in rule-based environments, they lack the qualitative understanding that characterises human performance (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986), as shown in the empirical examples above. By making this type of cognition visible, this study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the unique contributions human workers bring to the increasingly automated railway environment.