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Kosovo is often viewed as an example of the liberal peace framework after war. Its “war-wing” parties became part of post-war mainstream politics, with ex-KLA leaders occupying major decision-making positions. However, the 2020 war crimes indictment of then-President Hashim Thaçi and war-time allies by the Special Court coincided with elections that produced a landslide victory for the rival Vetëvendosje party, relegating “war-wing” parties to opposition. This article offers a critique of the liberal peace framework, acknowledging that criminal trials are an important part of its mosaic. However, the article argues that in this case the timing of indictments coincided with government change, a transplantation of political power, and subsequent deteriorating talks with Serbia. It argues that the pursuit of justice through criminal trials as part of the liberal peace framework may indirectly impact not just a country’s political power balance, but can disrupt ongoing international peace processes.

Rising geopolitical tensions are fueling what appears to be a new nuclear arms race, marked by heightened nuclear proliferation risks and new pathways for illicit trade. Advances in cybercrime and cryptocurrency have further expanded the tools available to non-state actors and states alike, complicating global nonproliferation efforts.

Traditionally, countries have relied on sanctions to curb nuclear proliferation, often without fully accounting for the underlying drivers of such behavior. Yet, sanctions alone rarely achieve their intended outcomes and can even strengthen a targeted regime's resolve by reinforcing narratives of foreign hostility.

To reduce escalation and foster meaningful engagement, sanction-sending countries should adopt a more balanced approach that integrates sanctions with strategic inducements.

Key recommendations include:

• Provide clear, consistent and unambiguous communication regarding the policy of sanctions as well as inducements.
• Engage creatively to complement sanctions with clear and explicit policies of inducements.
• Ensure the implementation of agreements is supported by reciprocal monitoring and inspection mechanisms, with the option to reintroduce punitive sanctions if necessary.

The current tensions between Russia and the West are coupled with signs of a re-emerging nuclear arms race. Nuclear proliferation is taking new forms, with some governments exploring novel ways to circumvent regulations to acquire nuclear capacity. The normative international order, including the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, has rarely been as frail. Sanctions have been a frequently used tool against such law-breaking governments. This entry offers a succinct overview of the kinds of sanctions employed and deliberates on whether their likelihood of stopping nuclear proliferation would increase if coercive measures were coordinated more efficiently and innovatively with inducements.

What role did sanctions play in Pakistan’s drive to go nuclear? To what degree has the threat of sanctions by the US and other actors served to constrain Pakistan’s ambition to acquire the atomic bomb? This chapter seeks to explore Pakistan’s acquisition of nuclear capabilities and weapons, while also touching on its relations with India as an interwoven factor in its nuclearization trajectory. More specifically, the chapter seeks to shed light on the question of whether the threat and application of sanctions have halted or precipitated Pakistan’s ambitions to become nuclear. What sort of sanctions were they, by whom and how long were they imposed, and how principled and consistent were sanction policies in seeking to reach their objectives? The chapter will argue that the nature of sanctions on Pakistan followed an erratic pattern, which fluctuated depending on the changing geopolitical dynamics in the region. This, coupled with the lack of international consensus on imposing sanctions, made them porous and, in the long run, ineffectual. In addition, Pakistan’s ambition to go nuclear ought to be understood within the context of the regional nuclear race with India, which for Pakistan was akin to a race for national survival and dignity.

The increased urgency of nuclear tensions requires a closer look at what can be done, for instance, with the help of sanctions. This chapter offers an overview of the sanctions’ role in international law and international relations to date. It assesses their impact and effectiveness, adherence to human rights, international legitimacy, and legality. The chapter then zooms into the interplay between sanctions and nuclear non-proliferation and, in so doing, reflects on the main findings and conclusions of each chapter of the volume. It draws on, and stresses, one of the main threads of this volume: the fine balancing act between coercive measures and positive inducements as a necessary prerequisite in diplomacy and politics to help increase the likelihood of a positive outcome, that is disarmament or non-proliferation. Further, the chapter emphasizes that, apart from seeking to change the behaviour of target states, sanctions have expressive or normative functions. In the end, rather than offering definitive answers, the chapter takes stock of the advantages and pitfalls related to sanctions. It asks key questions and offers direction for further and much-needed academic and policy research that would build on the current body of work.

This book explores the long-term impact on democracy and institution-building in post-conflict and transitory societies, stemming from the political integration of former combatants of intra-state armed groups. By providing a comparative analysis on two countries with certain commonalities but also sufficient differences to warrant an intriguing comparison – Kosovo and North Macedonia – the author undertakes an examination of their respective political trajectories with a focus on the role of combatants turned politicians. Revolving around the concepts of democracy and political inclusion versus clientelism, corruption, and institutional capture, the objective is to shed light on the correlation between the inclusion of former combatants in politics, democratisation and institution-building, and the perpetuation of clientelist behavior and other illicit phenomena. In so doing, the book explores the novel concept of democracy spoilers in transitory societies. This volume will be of interest to scholars and students of democracy, nation-building, institution-building, and security studies.

What is the interplay between sanctions, nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation? Could sanctions be useful in achieving nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, or could they have the opposite effect – inadvertently pushing states towards acquiring nuclear arsenal? Under what conditions and circumstances could that happen? How important are sanctions in bringing about negotiations and in affecting change during negotiations and their implementation? How relevant are sanctions today, and when do they matter? This chapter – and by extension, this volume – aims to revisit the notion of sanctions, notably by distinguishing between positive and negative measures (incentives and coercion), in relation to nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. By looking closely at a number of real-world cases, the chapter helps to identify possible cause-and-effect examples based on empirical evidence. This introductory chapter provides a succinct literature review on the subject, summarises present findings and proposes a theoretical framework that points to the utility of sanctions (positive or negative) in encouraging nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. It then offers an overview of the volume’s structure and content and explains the selection of cases and their contributions to a general understanding.

This book examines the interplay between sanctions and nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation.

The volume aims to tackle three separate but closely intertwined issues:

1. It aims to revisit the debate on, and deconstruct the concept of, sanctions; to provide a working theoretical framework; to differentiate between positive sanctions (or incentives or carrots) and negative sanctions; to identify the actors who may initiate sanctions (i.e. states, regional, and/or international organizations); to ascertain the legality and legitimacy of such sanctions taking place; to problematize and discuss the utility of sanctions; and so on.

2. It aims to disentangle the concepts of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, particularly in light of the most recent geopolitical global shifts on nuclear powers-interplay taking place in the background of the war in Ukraine and rising tensions in Southeast Asia, and so on.

3. Finally, it aims to conjoin the cause-and-effect cases between the application of sanctions, on the one hand, and the decision by states to pursue nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, on the other. By doing so, the volume helps to update and stimulate the academic and policy debate on the inter-relation between sanctions and nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation.

This book will be of much interest to students of nuclear non-proliferation, economic sanctions, security studies, and International Relations.