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  • 1.
    Ahlskog, Rafael
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Extraversion Probably Does Not Cause Political Participation. Evidence from Two Genetically Informed Designs2023In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 44, no 6, p. 1301-1318Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A substantial literature in political psychology has emphasized the importance of personality traits for understanding differences in political participation. One such trait is extraversion. However, the causal status of this relationship is complicated by a number of issues, not least genetic confounding stemming from the heritability of both personality traits and political participation. This study confirms the well-established naive relationship between extraversion and participation, but goes on with (a) a discordant MZ twin design and (b) a new approach using measured genetic variation, or a polygenic index, in the given trait (extraversion) to assess the causal nature of this relationship. First, utilizing variation in extraversion and participation within identical twin pairs shows that twins with higher extraversion do not participate more. Second, random variation within fraternal twin pairs in a polygenic index of extraversion does predict trait extraversion, but does not predict political participation. In summary, previously identified associations between extraversion and political participation are not likely to be causal, but instead reflect common underlying familial factors.

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  • 2.
    Bynander, Fredrik
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    't Hart, Paul
    Australian National University, Research School of Social Sciences.
    When Power Changes Hands: The Political Psychology of Leadership Succession in Democracies2006In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 27, no 5, p. 707-730Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Leadership succession in democratic governments and political parties is an ubiquitous but relatively understudied phenomen, where the political becomes intensely personal and vice versa. This article outlines the puzzles that leadership succession poses to political analysts, reviews the literature, and offers a conceptual framework deconstructing the process in terms of a flow from succession contexts and triggers via the role choices of key participants (incumbents and aspiring successors) through to the eventual succession outcomes. It concludes by presenting a series of testable hypotheses to describe and explain leadership successions.

  • 3.
    Gaber, Katrina
    Gothenburg University.
    To Belong or Not to Belong. Affective Self‐Nationalization in Thailand2019In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 41, no 2, p. 323-341Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 4. Garagozov, Rauf
    Narrative intervention in interethnic conflict2018In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 5. Garagozov, Rauf
    et al.
    Gadirova, Rana
    Narrative intervention interetnic conflict2018In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 6.
    Hall, Jonathan
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Kovras, Iosif
    University of London, London, UK.
    Stefanovic, Djordje
    Saint Mary’s University, Halifax, Canada.
    Loizides, Neophytos
    University of Kent, Kent, UK.
    Exposure to Violence and Attitudes Towards Transitional Justice2018In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 39, no 2, p. 345-363Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Transitional justice has emerged to address victims’ needs as a means of restoring relations broken by violence. Yet we know little about victims’ attitudes towards different transitional justice mechanisms. Why do some victims prioritize retributive justice while others favor other forms of dealing with the violent past? What determines victims’ attitudes towards transitional justice policies? To address these questions, we offer a new theoretical framework that draws upon recent insights from the field of evolutionary psychology and links both war exposure and postwar environments to transitional justice preferences. We argue that both past experiences of wartime violence and present-day social interdependence with perpetrators impact transitional justice preferences, but in divergent ways (resulting in greater support for retributive vs. restorative justice measures, respectively). To test our framework, we rely upon a 2013 representative survey of 1,007 respondents focusing on general population attitudes towards transitional justice in Bosnia two decades after the implementation of the Dayton Accords. Specifically, we examine the impact of displacement, return to prewar homes, loss of property, loss of a loved one, physical injury, imprisonment, and torture on attitudes towards transitional justice. On the whole, our findings confirm our two main hypotheses: Exposure to direct violence and losses is associated with more support for retributive justice measures, while greater present-day interdependence with perpetrators is associated with more support for restorative justice measures. While acknowledging the legacy of wartime violence, we highlight the importance of the postwar context and institutional mechanisms that support victims in reconstructing their lives.

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  • 7.
    Markiewicz, Tadek
    et al.
    University of Kent.
    Sharvit, Keren
    University of Haifa.
    When Victimhood Goes to War?: Israel and Victim Claims2021In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 42, no 1, p. 111-126Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Prominent sociopsychological approaches interpret collective victimhood as inseparable, central characteristic of societies involved in intractable conflicts. Victimhood is broadly perceived as an essential conflict-supportive belief also in other disciplines. In the context of Israel, there is a cross-disciplinary consensus that collective victimhood is the country's foundational identity. This project argues that states' employment of this theme changes and is context dependent. It discusses under what conditions Israel's political elites incorporate victim narratives towards armed conflicts. It examines public communication during the 2012 Operation Pillar of Defense (OPD) and the Yom Kippur war of 1973 (YKW). Employing a modified method of narrative conceptualization analysis, the research demonstrates that victim narratives were used almost twice as much during OPD than during YKW. The findings suggest that we need to differentiate between the role these narratives play for collectives versus states. For the latter, the presence of victim narratives is highly variable and reflects strategic developments. The project is the first systematic study exposing that victim narratives can be a challenge for governance. By conceptualizing victim narratives as claims, it captures the dynamic, contextual characteristics of collective victimhood in state affairs offering a theoretical tool for understanding the political dimension of this identification.

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  • 8.
    Obaidi, Milan
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Psychology.
    Bergh, Robin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Psychology. Harvard Univ, Cambridge, MA 02138 USA.
    Sidanius, Jim
    Harvard Univ, Cambridge, MA 02138 USA.
    Thomsen, Lotte
    Univ Oslo, Oslo, Norway;Univ Aarhus, Aarhus, Denmark.
    The Mistreatment of My People: Victimization by Proxy and Behavioral Intentions to Commit Violence Among Muslims in Denmark2018In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 39, no 3, p. 577-593Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Islamist extremism is often explained by the suffering endured by Muslims in Islamic countries as a result of Western-led wars. However, many terrorist attacks have been carried out by European Muslims with no personal experiences of war. Across two studies among Danish Muslims, we tested if what we call victimization-by-proxy processes motivate behavioral intentions to commit acts of violence. We used Muslim identification, perceived injustice of Western foreign policies, and group-based anger to predict violent and nonviolent behavioral intentions. More importantly, we compared path models of Danish Muslims from conflict zones with those without direct personal experience of Western-led occupation. We found similar effects among the participants in each category, that is, vicarious psychological responses mimicked those of personally experienced adversity. In fact, participants born in Western Europe were, on average, more strongly identified with Muslims, more likely to perceive Western foreign policy as more unjust, reported greater group-based anger, and were more inclined to help Muslims both by nonviolent and violent means.

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  • 9.
    Oskarsson, Sven
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Cesarini, David
    New York University.
    Dawes, Christopher T.
    New York University.
    Fowler, James H.
    University of California San Diego.
    Johannesson, Magnus
    Stockholm School of Business.
    Patrik, Magnusson
    The Karolinska Institute.
    Jan, Teorell
    Lund University.
    Linking Genes and Political Orientations: Cognitive Ability as Mediator Hypothesis2015In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 36, no 6, p. 649-665Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Recent research has demonstrated that genetic differences explain a sizeable fraction of the variance in political orientations but little is known about the pathways through which genes might affect political preferences. In this paper we use a uniquely assembled dataset of almost 1,000 Swedish male twin pairs containing detailed information on cognitive ability and political attitudes in order to further examine the genetic and environmental causes of political orientations. Our study makes three distinct contributions to our understanding of the etiology of political orientations: (i) we report heritability estimates across different dimensions of political ideology; (ii) we show that cognitive ability and political orientations are related; and (iii) we provide evidence consistent with the hypothesis that cognitive ability mediates part of the genetic influence on political orientations. These findings provide important clues about the nature of the complex pathways from molecular genetic variation to political orientations.

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  • 10.
    Oskarsson, Sven
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Thisted Dinesen, Peter
    Univ Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark..
    Dawes, Christopher T.
    NYU, New York, NY 10003 USA..
    Johannesson, Magnus
    Stockholm Sch Econ, Stockholm, Sweden..
    Magnusson, Patrik K. E.
    Karolinska Inst, Stockholm, Sweden..
    Education and Social Trust: Testing a Causal Hypothesis Using the Discordant Twin Design2017In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 38, no 3, p. 515-531Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    One of the clearest results in previous studies on social trust is the robust positive relationship with educational attainment. The most common interpretation is that education has a causal effect on social trust. The theoretical argument and empirical results in this article suggest a different interpretation. We argue that common preadult factors such as cognitive abilities and personality traits rooted in genes and early-life family environment may confound the relationship between educational attainment and social trust. We provide new evidence on this question by utilizing the quasi-experiment of twinning. By looking at the relationship between education and social trust within monozygotic (MZ) twin pairs, we are able to avoid potential confounders rooted in genetic factors and common environmental influences because the monozygotic twins share both. The results suggest that when controlling for such familial factors the estimated effects of education on social trust are close to zero and far from reaching statistical significance. Further analyses show that the relationship between education and social trust largely is driven by common genetic factors.

  • 11. Persson, Mikael
    Classroom Climate and Political Learning: Findings from a Swedish Panel Study and Comparative Data2015In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 36, no 5, p. 587-601Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Numerous studies have shown that an open classroom climate for discussion increases students’ civic knowledge. However, most previous studies draw on cross-sectional data and have not been able to show that the effect is causal. This article presents results from a Swedish panel survey following students during the first year in the gymnasium (upper secondary level). Using this study, we are better equipped to evaluate the link between an open classroom climate and political knowledge. Results suggest that the effect is causal. A 10% increase in open classroom climate is associated with about 5 percentage points higher knowledge. The beneficial effect of an open classroom climate is an important insight that should be seriously considered not only by researchers but also by educational policy makers, school managements, and teachers.

  • 12. Sibley, Chris G.
    et al.
    Duckitt, John
    Bergh, Robin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Psychology.
    Osborne, Danny
    Perry, Ryan
    Asbrock, Frank
    Robertson, Andrew
    Armstrong, Gavin
    Wilson, Marc Stewart
    Barlow, Fiona Kate
    A Dual Process Model of Attitudes towards Immigration: Person x Residential Area Effects in a National Sample2013In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 34, no 4, p. 553-572Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This research took a person x situation approach to predicting prejudice by looking at how social worldviews interact with real-world environmental factors to predict how people respond to immigrants within their local area. Taking a Dual Process Motivational approach, we hypothesized that a higher proportion of immigrants in the local community would be associated with negative attitudes toward immigration for respondents high in dangerous world beliefs. Conversely, we hypothesized that living in a highly affluent (as opposed to socioeconomically deprived) community would be associated with negative attitudes toward immigration for respondents high in competitive world beliefs. Both hypotheses were supported using regional information derived from national census data combined with representative survey data from a large telephone sample conducted in New Zealand (N = 6,489). These findings support the proposition that individual differences interact with specific features of the environment to predict people's levels of prejudice in distinct ways.

  • 13.
    Stattin, Håkan
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Psychology.
    Russo, Silvia
    Department of Psychology, University of Torino, Via Verdi, 10, 10124 Torino, Italy.
    The political reputation of students in upper secondary school: Consequences for their collective political activities four years later2023In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 44, no 4, p. 693-708Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This longitudinal study examines the role that students’ political reputation in class plays in their future political activities. When aged 16, students were asked to nominate the classmates they considered politically knowledgeable and verbal in class, that is, as having a political reputation. This measure of political reputation was used to predict the participants’ political activities four years later at age 20 and their attempts to take a stand in public in the national election the same year. The study controlled for individual differences in political interest, self-perceived political impact in class, the students’ political activities at age 16, and also gender and immigrant status. About 300 Swedish students were followed up. Political reputation in class positively predicted future political activities, membership of political organizations, and attempts to take a stand in public for a party in the forthcoming national election. At the same time, the role played by political reputation was found to depend upon the students’ other characteristics, their levels of anger and popularity, as observed by their classmates. Evidently, the group dynamics in class that give some students a political reputation have long-term consequences for their future political activities.

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  • 14.
    Stattin, Håkan
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Psychology.
    Russo, Silvia
    University of Torino.
    Arensmeier, Cecilia
    Örebro University.
    Characteristics and Consequences of Having a Political Reputation in Class2022In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 43, no 4, p. 635-650Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The study examined the individual characteristics and consequences of psychological group processes that may lead some students to gain a reputation for being politically knowledgeable and verbal in class (a political reputation). Two normal samples of Swedish students were used, 13-year- olds (N = 835) and 16-year-olds (N = 795). Longitudinal data over one year were analyzed and showed that youths’ political reputation in class is established very early. Cross-sectional predictions showed that political interest predicted political reputation in class positively, and social fear predicted political reputation negatively in both cohorts. In addition, having a political reputation predicted increased political interest and political efficacy over one year. Further, mediation analyses showed that youths’ political predispositions, their political interest and political efficacy at T1, significantly operated on interest and efficacy at T2 via the political reputation. This suggests that political reputation partly functions as a booster of youths’ initial political predispositions over time. Future research is needed into the long-term consequences of having a political reputation.

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