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  • 101.
    Assarson, Jan
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Hadenius, Axel
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    22. The civil society: parties and associations2002In: The Baltic Sea Region: Cultures, Politics, Societies / [ed] Witold Maciejewski, Uppsala: Baltic University Press , 2002, 1, p. 300-307Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
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  • 102.
    Assarson, Jan
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Hadenius, Axel
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Järve, Priit
    Estonian Academy of Science, Tallinn, Estonia.
    21. Territorial power distribution2002In: The Baltic Sea Region: Cultures, Politics, Societies / [ed] Witold Maciejewski, Uppsala: Baltic University Press , 2002, 1, p. 296-299Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
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  • 103.
    Assarson, Jan
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Hadenius, Axel
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Nousiainen, Jaakko
    Turku University, Finland.
    20. The structures of representative government2002In: The Baltic Sea Region: Cultures, Politics, Societies / [ed] Witold Maciejewski, Uppsala: Baltic University Press , 2002, 1, p. 290-295Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
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  • 104.
    Astapova, Anastasiya
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies. Univ Tartu, Dept Estonian & Comparat Folklore, Tartu, Estonia.
    Navumau, Vasil
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Veyshnoria: A Fake Country in the Midst of Real Information Warfare2018In: Journal of American Folklore, ISSN 0021-8715, E-ISSN 1535-1882, Vol. 131, no 522, p. 435-443Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    As a humorous response to the threat of the Russian occupation of Belarus during the joint military exercise of September 2017, civic activists created the fictional Republic of Veyshnoria. This meme soon obtained all the attributes of a micro-nation, including numerous virtual citizens, serving to critique the autocratic government of Belarus and creating a platform for alternative nation-building. Via humor and fake news, fictional Veyshnoria is becoming increasingly instrumental in the realm of information and ideological warfare.

  • 105.
    August, Nilsson
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    How has US policy planning bodies framed Greenland since 20132023Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
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  • 106. Auth, Diana
    et al.
    Martinek, Hanne
    Social Investment or Gender Equality?: Aims, Instruments and Outcomes of Parental Leave Regulations in Germany and Sweden2016In: Gender and Family in European Economic Policy: Developments in the New Millenium / [ed] Auth, Diana/Hergenhan, Jutta/Holland-Cunz Barbara, Houndmills/Basingstoke/Hampshire/New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 107.
    Auyeh, Mose
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Comparing No-Party Participatory Regimes: Why Uganda Succeeded and Others Failed2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The objective of this dissertation is to evaluate the performance of the no-party participatory regime (NPPR) model in a few selected countries. Such a regime, it was claimed, would give rise to a real and true democracy, would serve the people better, and would protect them against what many leaders saw as divisive party politics.

    This study investigates the extent to which these no-party participatory regimes were able, through mass institutions of mobilisation and participation, to involve people in public affairs, to capture the popular will, to promote people’s power, and to serve the population in at least a fairly efficient and effective way. More precisely, the study seeks to evaluate how responsive and effective the rule of regimes in Uganda, Pakistan, Libya and Ghana actually was, and to elucidate how the performance of said regimes was linked to a measure of legitimacy and stability. With regard to the main case, that of Uganda, the purpose of the book is to assess—by examining the performance of the Movement Regime Project (i.e., the system of reformed local government based on local councils)—the degree to which the stated goal of responsive and effective rule was achieved. The regimes in the historical cases (Pakistan, Libya, and Ghana) varied in how they performed against this model, but all of them chalked up a history of failed projects. The regimes in question simply became dictatorial; indeed, it is to such an outcome that the model has historically gravitated. Uganda, however, is a unique exception. The Movement project managed fairly well, at least up to 2005, to achieve responsiveness, a degree of effectiveness, legitimacy, and stability. To become fully democratic, however, it needs to take radical steps—above and beyond what it does today—in the furtherance of political freedom.

  • 108.
    Avenäs, Sebastian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Why the bear kicked the hornet’s nest: Causal processes of Russian foreign policy on Syria2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This paper examines causal mechanisms of the process leading up to the Russian military intervention in Syria that began in September 2015. It aims to concretize the causal processes of three different hypotheses that are based on commonplace assumptions of Russian foreign policy on Syria. It thoroughly explores three different causal paths, mapping events that may have had implications to the apparent change of heart within the Russian leadership. The paper analyses the relevance of these processes through a rational choice theory framework. 

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  • 109.
    Avetisova, Anastasia
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Department of Theology.
    Brexit, Donald Trump and the Populist Upsurge: A comparative analysis of Brexit Leave Campaign & Trump’s Presidential Campaign based on Mudde’s Minimal Definition of Populism.2017Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The recent upsurge of electoral success from the Brexit Leave campaign and Donald Trump’s presidential campaign 2016, confirm that populist politics has taken a greater role in Europe and in the U.S. The purpose of this research is to see to what extent each of the two campaigns are populist, and whether their statements are similar to each other. This will increase further knowledge about the populist phenomenon and its complexity. Hence, comparative analyses of six speeches from Brexit’s Leave campaign and Trump’s presidential campaign have been conducted through the framework of Mudde’s minimal definition of populism. The results show that both campaigns have populist features and that they have some commonalities, but still vary in the details, due to the countries’ historical, social and economic backgrounds. The two campaigns’ representatives are using similar populist strategies in order to reach their audiences. It is further recommended to expand this research and examine Trump’s presidency and its impacts with the UK’s process of leaving and its outcomes, which will provide a further understanding of the populist upsurge as well as its consequences.

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    Master uppsats
  • 110.
    Axberg, Mikael
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Rättvisa och demokrati: Om prioriteringar i sjukvården : [rationing health care resources]1997Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The dissertation focuses on the growing problem of allocating scarce health care resources inmodem societies. There are several factors which have contributed to the aggravation of thisproblem. The most important is the success. of medical science and technology combined withthe increased longevity of the population, Two issues are raised by these concomitant developments: How should scarce health care resources be allocated? Who should have the authority to do so? These question arc analysed in terms of the core philosophical concepts of justice and democracy.

    Should we be held responsible for our life styles, and is age a justifiable criterion in theselective allocation of health care? These are seen as the two most important aspects when theissue of justice is addressed, particularly in view of the fact that the official Swedish standpoint is that these are not legitimate criteria in this context, whereas both ordinary citizens,politicians and health care personnel on the whole tend to think that they are. At the same time age and personal responsibility are two of the most problematic issues within the current politico-philosophical debate on justice.

    Three fundamental theories of justice are discussed: utilitarianism, Rawlsian rights theories and perfectionism (the latter also including communitarianism). It is shown in the study that the criteria of both age and of personal responsibility can be justified `irrespective of the theory chosen. What are the consequences of this?

    Even though there is no indisputable answer to the question of justice, the possibility ofreasoned argumentation remains. What is needed within this context are institutions supporting the intersubjectivity of both medical and normative discourses of knowledge. Finally, it isargued that only medical doctors can decide on the allocation of scarce health care resources.This responsibility cannot be evaded by introducing randomness to the decision-making process or otherwise rejecting the possibility of reasoned argumentation.

  • 111.
    Axelsson, Simon
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Department of Theology.
    EU Delegations Between Consistency and Pragmatism: A Study on the Political Role of EU Delegations in the Middle East and North Africa2023Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    It is more than a decade since the Lisbon Treaty entered into force, and the European External Action Service (EEAS) was founded to unify the EU's foreign policy and make it more coherent and consistent. With the creation of the EEAS, the Commission delegations were transformed into EU delegations, and the delegations started to represent the whole EU abroad politically. The Lisbon Treaty clearly strengthened the EU foreign policy and arguably gave the EU a common voice in the world. However, the speed at which the transformation took, and takes place, is not the same in all third (non-EU) countries where the EU is present. Many scholars argue that there is still a lack of consistency in EU foreign policy, and some aspects of EU external action after Lisbon are still understudied, such as EU external action in specific regions. Against this backdrop, and within a theoretical framework of Frauke Austermann’s theory of a European diplomatic service of “different speeds,” this thesis examines the consistency of the political role between EU delegations in selected Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries in an attempt to answer the following research question: How consistent is the political role between EU delegations in the MENA region twelve years after the founding of the EEAS and the political sections of the delegations? This is done by conducting and analysing semi-structured interviews with diplomats working in the political sections of fourteen of the sixteen EU delegations in the region. With the help of a qualitative content analysis method, the consistency of the political role is examined by investigating the function of the political sections, their main tasks within the respective delegations and their relations and interaction with headquarters in Brussels, EU member states’ (EUMS) foreign missions and host country authorities. The findings of this thesis show that a few observations of the interviewees could put the consistency of the political role into question. The main issues concerned malfunctioning cooperation between the sections of the delegations, the influence of specific EUMSs on the work of the delegations and the poor staffing (although this was a rather consistent issue). Yet, for the most part, based on the aspects studied in this thesis, the political role proved to be very consistent between the delegations of the region. 

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  • 112. Baeck, Hanna
    et al.
    Dumont, Patrick
    Meier, Henk Erik
    Persson, Thomas
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Vernby, Kåre
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Does European Integration Lead to a 'Presidentialization' of Executive Politics?: Ministerial Selection in Swedish Postwar Cabinets2009In: European Union Politics, ISSN 1465-1165, E-ISSN 1741-2757, Vol. 10, no 2, p. 226-252Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, we address recent claims that executive legislative relations in parliamentary democracies are undergoing important changes owing to either a 'presidentialization' or a 'Europeanization' of domestic political systems. Therefore, we test empirically whether parliamentary democracies are indeed experiencing changes in executive-legislative relations and whether these developments can, in part, be explained by an increase in European integration. Using data on ministerial selection in Swedish cabinets during the years 1952-2006, we find that there appears to be a slight tendency towards 'presidentialization', which is indicated by a decrease in ministers with a parliamentary background being appointed, and that there exists some support for the notion that Sweden's political and economic integration into the European Union is part of the explanation for this change.

  • 113.
    Baetz, Konstantin
    et al.
    Univ Konstanz, Constance, Germany..
    Kloeckner, Ann-Cathrin
    Univ Konstanz, Constance, Germany..
    Schneider, Gerald
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research. Univ Konstanz, Constance, Germany..
    Challenging the Status Quo: Predicting Violence with Sparse Decision-Making Data2022In: International Interactions, ISSN 0305-0629, E-ISSN 1547-7444, Vol. 48, no 4, p. 697-713Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article addresses the discrepancy between the explanation and the prediction of political violence through the development of different models that approximate the decision-making on war and peace. Borrowing from the crisis bargaining literature, the prediction models particularly consider the situational attributes through which players can challenge the status quo. We distinguish between direct and indirect proxies of a weakening of the status quo and show that adding decision-making data can improve the accuracy of cross-sectional forecasting models. The study, which demonstrates the increased conflict risk due to the COVID-19 pandemic and thus another development upsetting the status quo, discusses the usefulness of decision-making forecasts through various case study illustrations.

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  • 114.
    Baggesgaard, Mads Anders
    et al.
    Aarhus universitet, Aarhus, Denmark.
    Ross Kjaergård, Jonas
    Aarhus universitet, Aarhus, Denmark.
    Kullberg, Christina
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Languages, Department of Modern Languages, Romance Languages.
    Haiti and the World: Global Effects of Haitian Tremors – 1791, 20102018In: Karib - Nordic Journal for Caribbean Studies, ISSN 1894-8421, E-ISSN 2387-6743, Vol. 4, no 1, p. 3-3Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The outbreak of the 1791–1804 Haitian revolution shook the imperial powers of Europe and the U.S. Never before had the enslaved rebelled so powerfully, and in the decades to come, the name of the once-lucrative colony, Saint-Domingue, provoked anxiety and suspicion. In 2010, Western eyes again turned to Haiti as a devastating earthquake hit the island. Natural forces, together with poverty and inadequate infrastructure, caused a major humanitarian crisis.

    Taking its point of departure in the intersection of politics and aesthetics, this special issue of Karib probes the global responses to these events and explores the repercussions within the frame of emergent and contemporary modernity.

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  • 115. Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Anna
    et al.
    Ekman, Per
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Michalski, Anna
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Oxelheim, Lars
    Perspectives on the Significance of Borders in Europe: Past Challenges, Future Developments2024In: The Border of the European Union in a Conflictual World: Interdisciplinary European Studies / [ed] Antonina Bakardjieva Engelbrekt; Peter Ekman; Anna Michalski; Lars Oxelheim, Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2024, p. 1-21Chapter in book (Refereed)
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  • 116.
    Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Antonina
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Law.
    Bremberg, NiklasUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.Michalski, AnnaUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.Oxelheim, LarsInstitutet för näringslivsforskning .
    Trust in the European Union in Challenging Times: Interdisciplinary European Studies2018Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 117. Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Antonina
    et al.
    Ekman, PerUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.Michalski, AnnaUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.Oxelheim, Lars
    The Borders of the European Union in a Conflictual World: Interdisciplinary European Studies2024Collection (editor) (Refereed)
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  • 118.
    Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Antonina
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Law.
    Leijon, KarinUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.Michalski, AnnaUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.Oxelheim, LarsIFN.
    The European Union and the Technology Shift2021Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 119.
    Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Antonina
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Juridiska fakulteten, Juridiska institutionen, Institutet för Europeisk rätt.
    Leijon, Karin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Michalski, Anna
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Oxelheim, Lars
    Institutet för Näringslivsstudier (IFN); University of Agder.
    The EU, the Nation-State, and the Perennial Challenge to European Integration2020In: The European Union and the Return of the Nation State: Interdisciplinary European Studies / [ed] Antonina Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Karin Leijon, Anna Michalski, Lars Oxelheim, Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, 1, p. 1-26Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This introductory chapter sheds new light on the increasingly complex relationship between the European Union and the nation-state—in its capacity as EU member state—at a time when its fundamental values are being called into question by prominent political currents. The chapter explores the concept of the nation-state in a contemporary European context and shows that tensions between supranationalism and intergovernmentalism are since long a defining feature of European integration. The chapter then introduces the book’s interdisciplinary approach which offers different disciplinary perspectives on how the return of the nation-state impacts the EU’s ability to meet the multifaceted challenges it is facing. The chapter concludes by arguing that the EU must take the tensions which arise from the strengthening of the nation-state seriously while actively standing up for the European political project, its basic legal principles and democratic values.

  • 120.
    Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Antonina
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Law.
    Leijon, Karin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Michalski, Anna
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Oxelheim, Lars
    IFN.
    What Does the Technological Shift Have in Store for the EU? Opportunities and Pitfalls for European Societies2021In: The European Union and the Technology Shift / [ed] Bakardjieva Engelbrekt A., Leijon K., Michalski A., Oxelheim L., Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021, p. 1-25Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This introductory chapter sheds light on the opportunities and challenges that the digital era has in store for the European Union (EU) at a time when its fundamental values are being called into question by prominent political currents. The chapter sets the scene by an account of how previous periods of technological transformation affected European societies and considers the financial and regulatory resources at the disposal of the EU to manage the technological shift of the 2020s. The chapter introduces the book’s interdisciplinary approach, which offers various disciplinary perspectives on how the technological mega-shift impacts the EU’s ability to meet the multifaceted challenges it is facing. The chapter concludes that decision-makers at the national as well as European levels must be prepared to take a holistic perspective when addressing technological trends and seeking solutions to the problems that arise in the wake of changing economic and political conditions in society.

  • 121. Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Antonina
    et al.
    Mårtensson, MoaUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.Oxelheim, LarsPersson, ThomasUppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The EU's Role in Fighting Global Imbalances2015Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The EU’s Role in Fighting Global Imbalances looks at the role of the European Union in addressing some of the greatest challenges of our time: poverty, protectionism, climate change, and human trafficking. Contributions from ten leading scholars in the fields of economics, law, and political science provide in-depth analyses of three key dimensions of EU foreign policy, namely: the internal challenges facing the EU, as its 28 member countries struggle to coordinate their actions; the external challenges facing the EU on the global arena, in areas where global imbalances are particularly pervasive, and where measures taken by the Union can have an important impact; and the EU´s performance on the global arena, in the eyes of other key actors. Based on a broad and interdisciplinary understanding of the concept of global imbalances, this book argues that these challenges follow from pervasive global imbalances, which at root are economic, political, and legal in character.

    Contributions from ten leading scholars in the fields of economics, law, and political science provide in-depth analyses of three key dimensions of EU foreign policy, namely: the internal challenges facing the EU, as its 28 member countries struggle to coordinate their actions; the external challenges facing the EU on the global arena, in areas where global imbalances are particularly pervasive, and where measures taken by the Union can have an important impact; and the EU´s performance on the global arena, in the eyes of other key actors.

    This policy-oriented, interdisciplinary volume offers real insight into the European Union and its role in global affairs and will appeal to academics and policy-makers alike.

  • 122. Balzacq, Thierry
    et al.
    Guzzini, Stefano
    Introduction: 'What kind of theory - if any - is securitization?'2015In: International Relations, ISSN 0047-1178, E-ISSN 1741-2862, Vol. 29, no 1, p. 97-102Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 123. Balzacq, Thierry
    et al.
    Guzzini, Stefano
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Williams, Michael
    Wæver, Ole
    Patomäki, Heikki
    What kind of theory – if any – is securitization?2015In: International Relations, ISSN 0047-1178, E-ISSN 1741-2862, Vol. 29, no 1, p. 96-136Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    One of the great appeals of securitization theory, and a major reason for its success, has been itsusefulness as a tool for empirical research: an analytic framework capable of practical application.However, the development of securitization has raised several criticisms, the most important ofwhich concern the nature of securitization theory. In fact, the appropriate methods, the researchpuzzles and type of evidence accepted all derive to a great extent from the kind of theory scholarsbequeath their faith to. This Forum addresses the following questions: What type of theory (ifany) is securitization? How many kinds of theories of securitization do we have? How can thedifferences between theories of securitization be drawn? What is the status of exceptionalismwithin securitization theories, and what difference does it make to their understandings of therelationship between security and politics? Finally, if securitization commands that leaders act nowbefore it is too late, what status has temporality therein? Is temporality enabling securitization toabsorb risk analysis or does it expose its inherent theoretical limits?

  • 124.
    Bara, Corinne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Forecasting Civil War and Political Violence2020In: The Politics and Science of Prevision: Governing and Probing the Future / [ed] Andreas Wenger, Ursula Jasper & Myriam Dunn Cavelty, Abingdon: Routledge, 2020, p. 177-193Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter describes efforts to predict civil wars and related forms of political violence. The chapter first describes the evolution of a conflict prediction paradigm, which is characterized by a commitment to the scientific method, and a consensus on that and how the performance of predictions is to be evaluated. After explaining the standard procedure employed to forecast the onset of war, the chapter then outlines the considerable variation between projects on the outcome that is predicted; the spatial and temporal units for which a prediction is made; the type of predictors that are used; and the computational method that links these predictors with the outcome. This variation is reflective of a young field in which rapid methodological development is in full progress. Finally, the chapter reviews debates on the possibility and desirability of conflict prediction, and the open question of how academic civil war prediction can and should influence policy-making.

  • 125.
    Bara, Corinne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Shifting targets: the effect of peacekeeping on postwar violence2020In: European Journal of International Relations, ISSN 1354-0661, E-ISSN 1460-3713, Vol. 26, no 4, p. 979-1003Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Existing research shows that peace after civil wars is more stable with peacekeepers present. Yet, violence persists in many postwar contexts, and although postwar violence is often strategic and closely linked to the faultlines of the preceding war, we know little about the impact of peacekeepers on such violence. What we know, moreover, focuses on the former combatants, while this study shows that the majority of deaths in postwar violence are inflicted by other armed actors. This is a challenge for peacekeepers who – for mandate or capacity reasons – usually focus on the warring parties. I argue that the impact of peacekeepers on postwar violence hinges on the extent to which they fill a public security gap after war, since responsibility for violence not covered by a mission’s mandate lies with the often dysfunctional security agencies of the state. To test this I use a novel spatial approach to generate data that captures the manifold manifestations of violence across different postwar contexts. I find that only UN police – with their broader effect on public security – mitigate postwar violence generally. UN troops have some impact on civilian targeting by former combatants but no such effect could be identified for violence by other armed actors. The findings highlight the importance of peacekeeping police at a time when the modus operandi and capacity of UN police have been questioned, but also the importance of accounting for a multitude of violent actors when analysing the impact of international interventions more generally.

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  • 126.
    Bara, Corinne
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Clayton, Govinda
    Swiss Fed Inst Technol, Ctr Secur Studies, Zurich, Switzerland.
    Your Reputation Precedes You: Ceasefires and Cooperative Credibility During Civil Conflict2023In: Journal of Conflict Resolution, ISSN 0022-0027, E-ISSN 1552-8766, Vol. 67, no 7-8, p. 1325-1349Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    How does the state's behavior in negotiations with one non-state group influence the behavior of other non-state actors? We argue that the dynamics of different conflicts within the same country are interdependent, and that a state develops a reputation through its interactions with each conflict party. This reputation provides a valuable source of information that other groups use to judge the state's cooperative intentions. When a state develops a reputation for cooperation, this increases the likelihood of (indirect) reciprocation from other groups. More specifically, we argue that when states enter into (and honor) a ceasefire with one rebel group, they demonstrate a credible reputation for cooperation. A credible reputation for cooperation, we posit, increases the likelihood that other conflict parties enter into ceasefires with the state, or that they de-escalate their military activities. We test our claims using the new civil conflict ceasefire dataset and find support for our argument.

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  • 127.
    Bara, Corinne
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Deglow, Annekatrin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    van Baalen, Sebastian
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Civil war recurrence and postwar violence: Toward an integrated research agenda2021In: European Journal of International Relations, ISSN 1354-0661, E-ISSN 1460-3713, Vol. 27, no 3, p. 913-935Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Violence after civil war is a challenge to sustainable peace. Many armed conflicts today are recurrences of previous wars and much of the literature on violence after war explains why armed groups return to the battlefield. But even if peace prevails, many other types of violence take place in postwar environments. This postwar violence is likewise subject to a growing multidisciplinary literature. Using citation network analysis, we show that research on war recurrence and postwar violence has developed in relative isolation from each other?although these phenomena are interrelated. This compartmentalization leads us to overlook important similarities and differences in the drivers of different forms of violence after war. We demonstrate this by reviewing the literature in both of these closely related fields. While war recurrence and postwar violence share a set of common risk factors, some factors can have opposite effects on the two outcomes. Because these insights only emerge when systematically comparing the two strands of literature, we propose a novel framework for the study of violence after wars that aims at overcoming the compartmentalization of research within these two fields. The framework serves both as a conceptual lens and an analytical tool to categorize and compare different forms of violence after war. We then outline how the framework aids scholars in pursuing an integrated research agenda, with concrete suggestions for research questions that should be studied to expand our understanding of violence after wars.

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  • 128.
    Bara, Corinne
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Hultman, Lisa
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Just Different Hats? Comparing UN and Non-UN Peacekeeping2020In: International Peacekeeping, ISSN 1353-3312, E-ISSN 1743-906X, Vol. 27, no 3, p. 341-368Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In the past two decades, regional organizations and coalitions of states have deployed more peace operations than the UN. Yet most quantitative studies of peacekeeping effectiveness focus on UN peacekeeping exclusively, a decision owed to data availability more than to theories about the differential impact of UN and non-UN missions. As a result, we know little about the effectiveness of non-UN peacekeeping in mitigating violence. In this paper, we introduce and analyse monthly data on the approximate number of troops, police, and observers in both UN and non-UN peacekeeping operations between 1993 and 2016. Using these data, we show that when accounting for mission size and composition, UN and regional peacekeeping operations are equally effective in mitigating violence against civilians by governments, but only UN troops and police curb civilian targeting by non-state actors. We offer some theoretical reflections on these findings, but the main contribution of the article is the novel dataset on non-UN peacekeeping strength and personnel composition to overcome the near-exclusive focus on UN missions in the scholarship on peacekeeping effectiveness.

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  • 129.
    Bara, Corinne
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Kreutz, Joakim
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    To Buy a War but Sell the Peace?: Mercenaries and Post-Civil War Stability2022In: Security Studies, ISSN 0963-6412, E-ISSN 1556-1852, Vol. 31, no 3, p. 417-445Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Private military and security companies (PMSCs) and mercenaries are a common feature in civil wars, yet little systematic analysis of PMSC involvement and conflict dynamics exists. This article explores whether civil conflicts that feature PMSC forces in combat are more likely to recur. We contend that the presence of PMSCs in fighting exacerbates the postwar credible commitment problem, as belligerents will be concerned about the possibility to redeploy such forces in the future. Belligerents pay more attention to more recent and more visible information, meaning that the effects should be greatest if PMSCs feature extensively in combat and at the end of the conflict. A duration analysis of data from the Private Security Events Database and Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 1990–2014, offers robust support for these claims. Our results suggest that conflict management should consider aspects beyond the local context as risk factors for civil war recurrence.

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  • 130. Baran, Zeyno
    et al.
    Starr, S. Frederick
    Cornell, Svante
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of East European Studies. Programmet för Sidenvägstudier.
    Islamic Radicalism in Central Asia and the Caucasus: Implications for the EU2006Book (Other scientific)
  • 131.
    Bardall, Gabrielle
    et al.
    Centre for International Policy Studies, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Piscopo, Jennifer
    Department of Politics, Occidental College, Los Angeles, CA, USA.
    How is Political Violence Gendered?: Disentangling Motives, Forms, and Impacts2020In: Political Studies, ISSN 0032-3217, E-ISSN 1467-9248, Vol. 68, no 4, p. 916-935Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    How is political violence gendered? We connect the traditional political violence literature’s emphasis on categorizing attacks to the gender and politics literature’s analysis of the barriers to women’s political participation. Our framework separates gendered political violence into three elements. Gendered motives appear when perpetrators use violence to preserve hegemonic men’s control of politics. Gendered forms emphasize how gender roles and tropes differentially shape men’s and women’s experiences of violence. Gendered impacts capture the subjective meaning-making processes that occur as different audiences react to political violence. This approach offers researchers and policymakers greater analytic precision regarding how political violence is gendered.

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  • 132.
    Barrling Hermansson, Katarina
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Partikulturer: Kollektiva självbilder och normer i Sveriges riksdag2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation addresses party-culture in political parties represented in the Swedish parliament. Party-culture is investigated by studying collective self-images and norms in Swedish parliamentary party-groups (PPG). The aim of this investigation is to contribute to understanding of the conditions under which parliamentary work is carried out. In order to expand our understanding of these conditions this dissertation looks beyond the formal processes by which party-groups deliver their political message and make decisions, and instead highlights the cultural aspects of these party organizations in the parliament.

    The method of analysis is qualitative and the material for the study consists of 53 interviews with members of parliament from all represented parties. The parties studied are thus the Social Democratic, Moderate, Liberal, Christian Democrats, Left, Centre, and Green. In addition, some participant observation for the 1998-2002 mandate period in used.

    The empirical investigation shows that party-culture is revealed via four basic themes: political ability, feelings of political responsibility, the importance social fellowship, and the party’s strength in relation to individual party members.

    The party’s culture based on the four themes noted above provides a theoretical structure for interpretation that combines an Aristotelian idea about basic knowledge types, sophia and phronesis, with cultural theorists Mary Douglas’ grid-group-analysis. Based on this interpretation method it is shown that party-cultures distinguish themselves from each other in a way that diverges from the left-right spectrum that dominates Swedish politics. At the same time as the parties demonstrate differences in party-culture, there are also some similarities between the parties, and these similarities suggest that the parties have adjusted themselves to a more general culture within the parliament, most visibly the focus on factual knowledge and a certain requirement for modesty from party members.

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  • 133.
    Barthoma, Soner
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Uppsala Religion and Society Research Centre.
    Gökalp-Aras, N. Ela
    Swedish Research Institute Istanbul.
    Sahin Mencütek, Zeynep
    Swedish Research Institute Istanbul.
    Cetrez, Önver
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Department of Theology, The Social Sciences of Religion, Psychology of Religions.
    Atto, Naures
    University of Cambridge.
    Integration Policies – Trends, Problems and Challenges: An Integrated Report of 9 Country Cases2020Report (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This report provides a snapshot for some of the primary findings, trends and challenges with regard to immigrant integration that have been studied in nine country cases, based on research conducted within the framework of the Horizon2020 RESPOND project. These countries are Sweden, Germany, Italy, Greece, Austria, Poland, the UK, Turkey and Iraq. All nine country reports study integration in five thematic domains (labour market, education, housing, psychosocial health and citizenship) by looking at policies (macro level), practices (meso) and experiences of refugees and asylum seekers (micro level). This integrated report relies on data discussed in the macro sections of these country reports, and systematically analyses the same thematic fields in each country by looking at:

    a) Legal and institutional frameworks for each thematic field (labour market, education, housing, psychosocial health, and citizenship);

    b) The main trends in these domains, and

    c) Problems and challenges that refugees face (based on the interview material at micro and meso levels).

    Each section ends with an informative summative table. Overall, the integrated report provides a rich overview of country cases, and thus, can be read either as a whole or as separate sections.

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  • 134.
    Bauer, Johanna
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    A New Dimension of Contestation?: A qualitative analysis of frames used in the European Affairs Committee of the Swedish parliament2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis aims to map what arguments are used by the two biggest parties in Swedish politics, The Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party, when discussing European politics in the European Affairs Committee (EAC) of the Swedish parliament. In order to realise this, frames used by the party representatives in the committee have been analysed. With the typology of Helbling et. al. (2010), a categorisation of four frames is applied, where each frame corresponds with a side of the left-right or the GAL-TAN-dimension. The study is structured by a number of hypotheses constructed based on findings of previous research, comparing both between the parties and changes over time. The results are assessed in relative terms, meaning that the study focuses on the parties’ relative use of frames rather than the absolute. All hypotheses find full or partial support, confirming expectations of previous research made on other European countries. However, some surprising results are found, highlighting new potential research questions for future studies.

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  • 135.
    Bauer, Johanna
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Costs and Conditions of Citizen Support for the EU: A time-series cross-sectional analysis of the effect of EU structural funds on support for European integration in 153 European regions (2004–2019)2022Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to look further into whether higher levels of EU structural fund payments to European regions come with higher levels of citizen support for European integration. The question is relevant in light of rising levels of Euroscepticism in some areas of Europe along with the momentous approval of subsidy packages following the Covid pandemic, nearly doubling the EU’s expenditures. The research question is examined using a time-series cross-sectional design, combining survey data on individual’s opinions on European integration with data on EU payments to European regions. Using a larger data set on EU payments than previous studies, the results are contrary to some previous studies focusing on the effect of EU funding in less prosperous regions, or studies using Eurosceptic voting as the dependent variable, but corroborate the results of the most recent study with similar design and data. Analyses of how the effect is conditioned on country group or level of affluence show mixed results, indicating a need for further research on the effects of EU spending on citizen support for European integration.

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  • 136.
    Bayne, Bryan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Department of Theology.
    Sawing the Forest for its Trees: An analysis of the discussions regarding the EU Forest Strategy for 2030 in Sweden2022Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
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  • 137.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The liberal state and the politics of virtue2000Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    A common belief, shared by liberals and anti-liberals alike, is that the liberalstate should not teach the citizen how to live. Similarly, it is frequently arguedthat liberal theory does not encompass a vision of the virtuous life. In otherwords, liberals and the liberal state are indifferent to the choices that thecitizen makes as long as he or she does no harm. In this work the basis of this belief is challenged.

    It is observed, firstly, that the liberal theory is not simply one of rejecting or accepting the notion of virtue. A widely accepted view seems to be that there are many virtues that the citizen should accept for instrumentalreasons only. This is the view accepted by John Rawls. To counter thisposition, the work of Ronald Dworkin is used to exemplify a different view:that virtues are appreciated not merely as means but also as part of a liberalideal of the good life.

    Despite these differences both Rawls and Dworkin agree, secondly, that the liberal state should be neutral on questions of virtue and the good life. The claim is that the liberal state should be neutral both in what is done and what is said but that it cannot be neutral in terms of consequences. However, it is argued here that the ideal of the ethically neutral state is not fully justified. Hence, the conclusion of this dissertation is both that virtues does have a place in liberal political thought, and that liberal arguments in defence of the neutral state are less conclusive than is frequently assumed. Liberal values of equality, individual rights, publicity and scepticism do not provide strong objections to the idea of the state as the guardian of virtue. In order to maintain the belief in the neutral state the liberal will consequently have to resort to faith rather than to rational reasoning.

  • 138.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholm Univ, Dept Polit Sci, S-10691 Stockholm, Sweden.
    Hultin Rosenberg, Jonas
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Freedom as Non-domination and Democratic Inclusion2018In: Res Publica, ISSN 1356-4765, E-ISSN 1572-8692, Vol. 24, no 2, p. 181-198Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    According to neo-republicans, democracy is morally justified because it is among the prerequisites for freedom as non-domination. The claim that democracy secures freedom as non-domination needs to explain why democratic procedures contribute to non-domination and for whom democracy secures non-domination. This requires an account of why domination is countered by democratic procedures and an account of to whom domination is countered by access to democratic procedures. Neo-republican theory of democracy is based on a detailed discussion of the former but a scant discussion of the latter. We address this lacuna by interpreting the two most influential principles of inclusion, the all-subjected principle and the all-affected principle, in light of neo-republican commitments. The preliminary conclusion is that both principles are able to capture relations of domination between the democratic state and the people controlled by it in the relevant sense. Yet, the state has virtually unlimited powers to control residents, but only limited powers to interfere in the lives of non-residents. Republican aspirations are therefore more in tune with the all-subjected principle according to which only residents in the territory of the state should be granted rights to political participation.

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  • 139. Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Hultin Rosenberg, Jonas
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Jebari, Karim
    Artificial intelligence and democratic legitimacy: The problem of publicity in public authority2022In: AI & Society: The Journal of Human-Centred Systems and Machine Intelligence, ISSN 0951-5666, E-ISSN 1435-5655Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Machine learning algorithms (ML) are increasingly used to support decision-making in the exercise of public authority. Here, we argue that an important consideration has been overlooked in previous discussions: whether the use of ML undermines the democratic legitimacy of public institutions. From the perspective of democratic legitimacy, it is not enough that ML contributes to efficiency and accuracy in the exercise of public authority, which has so far been the focus in the scholarly literature engaging with these developments. According to one influential theory, exercises of administrative and judicial authority are democratically legitimate if and only if administrative and judicial decisions serve the ends of the democratic law maker, are based on reasons that align with these ends and are accessible to the public. These requirements are not satisfied by decisions determined through ML since such decisions are determined by statistical operations that are opaque in several respects. However, not all ML-based decision support systems pose the same risk, and we argue that a considered judgment on the democratic legitimacy of ML in exercises of public authority need take the complexity of the issue into account. This paper outlines considerations that help guide the assessment of whether a ML undermines democratic legitimacy when used to support public decisions. We argue that two main considerations are pertinent to such normative assessment. The first is the extent to which ML is practiced as intended and the extent to which it replaces decisions that were previously accessible and based on reasons. The second is that uses of ML in exercises of public authority should be embedded in an institutional infrastructure that secures reason giving and accessibility.

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  • 140.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Olsson, Stefan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Wockelberg, Helena
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Demokratin och mordet på Anna Lind2003Report (Other academic)
  • 141.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Consolidating the Democratic Process: Parliamentary Elections in Kyrgyzstan2010In: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955, E-ISSN 2001-7308, no oktoberArticle in journal (Other academic)
  • 142.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    "Everybody knows who will win": Presidential Election in Azerbaijan2013In: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955, E-ISSN 2001-7308Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    On October 9 presidential elections were held in Azerbaijan. As a result of the criticized 2009 amendment to the constitution the two-term limit for the presidency was removedand the incumbent, President Ilham Aliyev, could stand as candidate fora third time. Nobody was surprised when he won again. To the contrary it seemed the well-documented ‘political apathy’ of the Azerbaijani people had spread outside the country as well as.All through the election period foreign and national analysts alike were very careful to point out that everybody already knew who would win. This caution is of course a natural reactiontothe electoral authoritarianism that characterizes the Azerbaijani regime. Under electoral authoritarianism the state provides an ”illusion of multi-party democracy at the local and national levels while effectively stripping elections of efficacy. The result known in advance, elections can be held frequently”. Nevertheless,such an approach to the election is not only depressing; it also tends to relegate the efforts of the often very harshly critiqued democratic opposition in Azerbaijan. This time a coalition, the National Council for Democratic Forces (Milli Şura), managed to nominate one mutual candidate to represent the ‘oppositionists’, something that is basically unprecedented in this context. Sure, their efforts could be seen as too little too late and IlhamAliyev still won a landslide victory getting 85% of the votes. Nevertheless, short of a color revolution, the determination of the opposition forces did contribute to making this election as exciting as it getsunder electoral authoritarianism.

  • 143.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Introduction to the Special Section: Political Mobilization in Azerbaijan — The January 2013 Protests and Beyond2014In: Demokratizatsiya: Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, ISSN 1074-6846, Vol. 22, no 1, p. 2-14Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    A wave of public protests rocked Azerbaijan at the beginning of 2013. The first protest event of the year was inspired by the disputed death of a young conscript in the Azerbaijani army. While the official cause of death was heart attack, the family insisted he was beaten to death. The result was a fierce debate about the difficulties facing newly recruited soldiers and the conditions under which they serve. Some activists initiated a Facebook group and called for a demonstration in Baku on January 12. Twenty thousand people joined the group, an impressive number by Azerbaijani standards, given that support for anti-establishment manifestations can be dangerous. Later as many as 1,000 protesters, also a large number for Azerbaijan, joined the actual event in support of the dead soldiers’ family, demanding the defense minister's resignation. Just a week later shopkeepers at Baku's largest shopping mall, Bina, protested against increased rents. The demonstrators blocked a major highway and 5,000 shopkeepers kept their businesses closed in support of the protest. This was shortly followed by another spontaneous outbreak of dissent in Ismayili, 150 km northwest of Baku, where community members set fire to cars and buildings and called for the governor's resignation after a controversial car accident. Riot police finally managed to disperse the protesters, many of whom were injured and/or imprisoned. The harsh treatment brought about another rally in the capital in support of the Ismayili protesters. The outbreak of civic unrest in Ismayili can be seen as particularly important since it indicates discontent with the government, not only in Baku, but outside the capital as well.

  • 144.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan: Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Post-Soviet Azerbaijan is often portrayed as a very secular country. Thus the mobilization of mosque communities in the late 1990s and their conflictual relationship with the authorities came as a surprise. The main aim of the dissertation is to shed light on this mobilization, focusing on the Sunni Abu Bakr and the Shi’ite Juma mosque communities in Baku. On the premise that Islamic mobilization may be interpreted as a “social movement”, internal, contextual and interactional aspects of mobilization have been studied. The analysis is chiefly based on interviews conducted in Baku in 2004/2005 with Imams, worshippers, religious and secular authorities. The study finds that young people looking for new approaches to religion have been drawn to these communities, where they encounter an independent, educated, conscientious clergy and, indeed, a “new” religion. This “sovereign” Islam does not go down well with authorities who fear politicization of religion. The Soviet heritage has provided them with a view of religion as something that should not be publicly displayed and with the institutions to control religion. Another key feature whose impact on state policy towards religious organizations cannot be underestimated is the fear of imported radicalism. A look at Islamic mobilization in North Caucasus, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan reveals many similarities, yet one momentous difference is the harsher repression in these contexts, which decreases the chances of a non-radical mobilization. The thesis concludes that the role of the state in mobilization processes in non-democratic contexts is crucial but counterintuitive, as the regimes’ efforts to stop the mobilization of movements actually leads to its intensification. In Azerbaijan, official pressure brings community members closer together and strengthens their resolve, rather than putting an end to mobilization. It also puts a spotlight on these communities which lights up the way for others in search of something new.

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  • 145.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan: Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 146.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Islamic opposition in Azerbaijan: Discursive conflicts and beyond2015In: Religion, Politics and Nation-Building in Post-Communist Countries / [ed] Greg Simons and David Westerlund, Farnham: Ashgate, 2015, p. 117-142Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In 2004 the Azerbaijani authorities decided to evict the Juma mosque community from the mosque in Baku’s old town where they had been conducting prayers since 1992; under the auspices they lacked the proper registration and the facilities were state property. As the community resisted eviction, police entered the mosque during prayertime, physically removed the worshippers and closed it down. Preceding this, the popular imam of the Juma Mosque had been arrested during a political demonstration and sentenced to a five year suspended sentence for violating Azerbaijani law by engaging politically despite being a religious leader. These episodes rendered a lot of attention at the time as they highlighted a conflict between a religious group and the state in Azerbaijan, a country generallydescribed as one of the more secular in the former Soviet Union. Almost 10 years after the Juma incidents the relationship between the Azerbaijani authorities and certain parts of the Islamic community is still tense and doesfrom time to time manifest itself in open controversies. In order to shed lighton how some Muslim groups in Azerbaijan became perceived as oppositional, this chapter focuses on colliding discourses that become societal and intensified as the authorities with all means try to control discursive as well as social practices.

  • 147.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    National Identification and Regime Legitimation: The Societal Impact of War in Azerbaijan2023In: Caucasus Analytical Digest, E-ISSN 1867-9323, no 134, p. 3-6Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Societal development in Azerbaijan has been strongly affected by the war since its independence. Such an impact can be seen in two major ways. First, the liberation of the occupied areas became the overarching vision for both political leaders and society and, essentially, one of the pillars of post-Soviet Azerbaijani national identity. Second, this gradually resulted in a militarization of state and society which strengthened the hegemony of the authoritarian regime. Azerbaijan’s recent victory further enhanced the popularity of president Ilham Aliyev and, in this sense, lowered incentives for democratization within society. Both of these factors have contributed to a situation where a reconciliation process seems far away. Even after territorial integrity was largely restored in 2020, the notion of ‘us’ vs. ‘them’ is still deeply rooted in the nation’s self-image and reinforced by the official narrative. Society is not ready to reconcile with Armenia, both due to the lingering trauma and the lack of any reconciliation mechanisms.

  • 148.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Baltic and East European Graduate School, Södertörns högskola.
    Nya rörelser, gamla tankesätt och nationella problem: Muslimsk aktivism i postsovjetiska Azerbajdzjan2007In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 21, no 3, p. 275-299Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Azerbaijan, like other former Soviet republics, experienced something of a religious “boom” during glasnost and the first post-independence years as religion re-emerged in public life. By the late 1990s, however, the state, feeling threatened by imported religious movements, introduced various laws that sharply decreased the autonomy that religious organizations had  been enjoying. Certain Islamic communities that did not accept this renewed state monopoly on religion then gained a reputation of being “controversial” and found themselves in conflict with the secular and religious authorities. This situation made religion an issue in the political arena – something previously unheard of in Azerbaijan. This article examines this development by studying two Islamic communities of this type. These are affiliated with two mosques in Baku – the Shiite Juma and the Sunni Abu Bakr mosques – which are distinguished both by their increasing popularity in society and by their wish to distance themselves from “other” traditional mosques. The article concludes that even though various external influences are present, the development of Islamic activism in Azerbaijan seems related primarily to disappointment at how the political elite has handled the political, economical, social and moral situation in the country since independence. As long as this situation does not improve, a rise in the influence of such movements is only to be expected.

  • 149.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Oppositional Islam in Azerbaijan2012In: Caucasus Analytical Digest, no 44, p. 9-11Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The article explains how some mosque communities function as a political opposition in the authoritarian Azerbaijani context.

  • 150.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Osäkerhetens politik i praktiken: Presidentvalet 2020 som förändrade Belarus2021In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 35, p. 36-59Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Up until 2020 Aleksandr Lukashenka’s authoritarian regime had ruled Belarus for 26 years without major challenges. Thus, the popular mobilization that took shape in connection with the August 2020 presidential election came as a surprise. It was not the first time that elections in Belarus were not fair – but it was the first time that large sectors of the population reacted openly. Six months later, Belarusians all over the country were still contesting the falsified results. What contributed to this mobilization and politicization of a previously largely apolitical society? Why does that development represent such a serious threat to the authoritarian system? This study sees the Belarusian presidential election and its aftermath as illustrating the ‘politics of uncertainty’ of electoral authoritarian regimes. Because of the intrinsic insecurity of authoritarian systems, all regular elections in that context entail risks, which in theory might lead to change. In Belarus, the emergence of latent threats to the regime’s legitimacy in the form of social cleavages and an economic crisis, combined with the fundamental dynamics of the ‘election game’, amplified this instability. The election served as the starting point for a process of transformation that became the most serious threat ever faced by the Lukashenka regime.

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