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  • 151.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Ring out the old and ring in the young: Upgrading Authoritarianism in Azerbaijan2023In: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955, E-ISSN 2001-7308, Vol. 16, no 3, p. 8-23Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Using Heydemann’s concept ‘authoritarian upgrading’ as the theoretical point of departure, this article sheds light on the adaptation of the Azerbaijani authoritarian regime that is taking place in the political arena, civil society, media and information sector, and in relation to religious practices. It elaborates on how authoritarian upgrading is associated with the consolidation of the authoritarian regime and suggests that the core of these measures entails making authoritarian norms and values appear more attractive and acceptable. Notably, it illustrates the conscious attempts to engage the younger generation across multiple sectors in authoritarian upgrading making them both a target and a tool in this process.

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  • 152.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Södertörns högskola.
    Stat och religion i Centralasien2005In: Centralasien: Västturkestan : nationsbyggande under sovjetekologi och islamideologi? / [ed] Thomas Lundén, Stockholm: Svenska Sällskapet för Antropologi och Geografi , 2005, p. 121-142Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 153.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    The 2020 Presidential Election in Belarus: Erosion of Authoritarian Stability and Re-politicization of Society2021In: Nationalities Papers, ISSN 0090-5992, E-ISSN 1465-3923, Vol. 49, no 5, p. 808-819Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    On August 9, 2020, presidential elections were held in Belarus. Despite blatant electoral fraud and procedural violations, the official results declared Aleksandr Lukashenka reelected for a sixth term. While in the past, even the most obviously fraudulent election results have been followed by an atmosphere of resigned acceptance, this time countless Belarusians took to the streets to contest the results. What made this election different? This analysis of current affairs looks at the 2020 events through the lens of authoritarian consolidation theory, suggesting the unprecedented political mobilization was enabled by erosion in the three pillars of authoritarian stability: repression, cooptation, and legitimation. A majority of the population had been accepting the political status quo out of fear, for social and monetary security provided in exchange for loyalty, or a general understanding that there were no alternatives. Lukashenka did not realize this had largely changed. Nine months later, the foundation of the authoritarian regime is in an even worse shape. The regime’s reliance on repression further counteracts the legitimacy of the system. As a result, it seems it will be difficult for the authorities to re-consolidate authoritarianism, at least in the near future, no matter how the ‘revolution’ unfolds.

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  • 154.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    "The Election Game:” Authoritarian Consolidation Processes in Belarus2017In: Democratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, Vol. 25, no 4, p. 381-405Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

     Elections without content are characteristic of electoral authoritarianism. This article illustrates how the “election game” featuring “elections for the sake of elections” can contribute to the consolidation of an authoritarian regime. It analyzes how Belarusian authorities’ “menu of manipulation” shaped both the discourse and “practice” of “politics” in favor of the current system. Using selective repression – targeting mainly those openly wanting to change the status quo, while allowing some controlled openness for individuals, as long as they refrain from “doing politics” – discouraged political activism and contributed to a negative perception of the “opposition” as a noisy sub-group of the population. Such developments reinforced a perception of organized politics in general, and elections in particular, as abstract, unattractive and irrelevant to most.

  • 155.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Val för att bevara status quo: elektoral autokrati och stabilitet i Azerbajdzjan2015In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 29, no 1, p. 5-31Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Electoral autocracies have become the world’s most common form of non-democratic rule. In hegemonic autocracies in particular, where the president, or his party, always wins by more than 70 percent of the vote, the electoral process comes across as mere window-dressing. Still, both the regime and the opposition take elections seriously. Why? What role do elections play? The article deals with this question while focusing on the Azerbaijani 2013 presidential election, and consists of three parts. The first is a theoretical introduction dedicated to electoral autocracies and authoritarian stability. The next summarizes the election, stressing its purpose for the opposition. The third part analyses whether and how the election contributed to strengthening the authoritarian regime. The study concludes that developments during and after the election year are an illustration of what in previous research is sometimes referred to as the politics of insecurity. Even though the opposition “lost”, the relative success of their campaign indicated that change might, after all, be possible. The regime, depending on regular multi-party elections for its democratic alibi, did not appreciate the uncertainty and tried to minimize it by using the “three pillars” on which authoritarian states’ stability can be said to rest: legitimacy, repression and cooptation.

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  • 156.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Wahhabis, democrats and everything in between: The development of Islamic Activism in Post-Soviet Azerbaijan2008In: Ethno-Nationalism, Islam and the State in the Caucasus: Post-Soviet Disorder / [ed] Moshe Gammer, London: Routledge, 2008, 1, p. 194-211Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 157.
    Bedford, Sofie
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Mahmudlu, Ceyhun
    Cornell Univ, Dept Govt, Ithaca, NY 14853 USA.
    Abilov, Shamkhal
    Baku Engn Univ, Dept Int Relat, AZ-0101 Baku, Azerbaijan.
    Protecting Nation, State and Government: ‘Traditional Islam’ in Azerbaijan2021In: Europe-Asia Studies, ISSN 0966-8136, E-ISSN 1465-3427, Vol. 73, no 4, p. 691-712Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The article contributes to a better understanding of ‘Traditional Islam’ (TI), a state-led project in Azerbaijan to establish an alternative narrative promoting a specific local understanding of Islam that builds on its non-political, non-sectarian and national features to prevent ‘non-traditional’ religious variants from gaining popular traction. The phenomenon has not appeared in a vacuum. First, its features and functions stem from Soviet-era anti-religious and nationalities policies. Second, many aspects of TI resemble counter-radicalisation initiatives worldwide. Finally, while introduced as a means of blocking radicalisation in order to protect Azerbaijan’s national identity as a secular state, Traditional Islam in fact works to extend state control over the religious domain and thus to prevent the development of any religiously grounded dissent against the authoritarian regime.

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  • 158.
    Bedford, Sofie
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Souleimanov, Emil
    Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic .
    Islam im postsowjetischen Kaukasus Von Sunniten, Schiiten, Sufis und Salafisten2015In: Osteuropa: Zeitschrift für Gegenwartsfragen des Ostens, ISSN 0030-6428, Vol. 65, no 7-10, p. 71-92Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [de]

    Der Islam ist im Kaukasus in unterschiedlichen Formen verbreitet. Der Nordostkaukasus ist von sunnitischen Sufi-Bruderschaften geprägt. Dort betrachten Eliten und Laien die Religion als Quelle politischer Legitimität. Im Nordwestkaukasus ist der sunnitische Islam der hanafitischen Rechtsschule verbreitet. In Aserbaidschan dominiert die von der iranischen Safawiden-Dynastie verbreitete Zwölfer-Schia, und der Islam ist – wie auch im Nordwestkaukasus – weitgehend auf den Bereich der Spiritualität beschränkt. Doch auch dort stellen Salafisten die Autorität des offiziellen Islam in Frage.

  • 159.
    Bedford, Sofie
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Souleimanov, Emil Aslan
    Charles Univ Prague, Inst Int Studies, Fac Social Sci, Prague, Czech Republic.
    Under Construction and Highly Contested: Islam in the Post-Soviet Caucasus2016In: Third World Quarterly, ISSN 0143-6597, E-ISSN 1360-2241, Vol. 37, no 9, p. 1559-1580Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    While scholarship on Islam in the Caucasus has focused on the late Soviet religious revival – the rise of Salafi jihadism and religious radicalisation in the northern part of these strategic crossroads – no study to date has addressed the discursive struggle over the social functions of regional Islam. This article deconstructs these discourses in order to examine the very varying, and often conflicting, representations of Islam advocated by various actors across the region and within particular republics. The article highlights the contested functions of regional Islam against the background of a religious revival that is still a work in progress.

  • 160.
    Bedford, Sofie
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies. Inst Human Sci IWM, Vienna, Austria.
    Vinatier, Laurent
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Resisting the Irresistible: ‘Failed Opposition’ in Azerbaijan and Belarus Revisited2019In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 54, no 4, p. 686-714Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent literature on post-Soviet electoral revolutions in places where attempts at regime change through popular protest did not succeed, opposition groups are often simply regarded as ‘failed’. And yet, opposition actors exist and participate in the political life of their country. Building on the Belarusian and Azerbaijani cases, we argue that opposition actors are maintained in a ‘ghetto’, often virtual, tightly managed by the ruling authorities who exert monopolistic control over civic activities. Opposition actors adapt to the restricted conditions – accepting a certain level of dependency. They thus develop various tactics to engage with the outside, striving to reduce the ghetto walls. To this end this article proposes a typology of what we call oppositional ‘resistance models’: electoral, in the media, lobbying and through education. The models highlight what makes ‘opposition’ in authoritarian states and are a step towards a more comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon in this context.

  • 161.
    Bedford, Sofie
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Vinatier, Laurent
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Alieva, Leila
    Center for Strategic and International Studies, Baku, Azerbaijan.
    Gojayev, Vugar
    'Failed Opposition' Reconsidered: Dynamism and Changing Paradigms in Azerbaijan2016In: The Uppsala Yearbook of Eurasian Studies / [ed] Kaj Hobér, Anna Jonsson Cornell and Leonid Polishchuk, London: Wildy, Simmonds & Hill Publishing , 2016, 1, p. 104-122Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article we argue that repression and political manipulation do not eliminate opposition in authoritarian contexts but give it a dynamic and transformational character. However marginalized opposition parties are still, in some cases after twenty years or more, publicly requesting change, freedoms and liberties. Moreover, this pro-democracy work is continued by the next generation of activists. We will be using the case of Azerbaijan to highlight that even though the uncompromising attitude of the authoritarian institutions seem static, and unable to shake, the opposition against them is very dynamic. Despite being severely repressed ‘opposition’ is gradually becoming more diverse and sustainable, even though this is not at all visible on the political arena. The purpose of the article is to shed light on these new opposition dynamics in the context of the Azerbaijani 2013 presidential election. 

  • 162.
    Bellamy, Richard
    et al.
    University College London,London, UK.
    Bonotti, Matteo
    Monash University Clayton, Melbourne, Australia.
    Castiglione, Dario
    University of Exeter, Exeter, UK.
    Lacey, Joseph
    University College Dublin, Dublin 4, Ireland.
    Näsström, Sofia
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Owen, David
    University of Southampton, Southampton, UK.
    White, Jonathan
    London School of Economics, London, UK.
    The Democratic Production of Politcal Cohesion: Partisanship, Institutional Design and Lifeform2019In: Contemporary Political Theory, ISSN 1470-8914, E-ISSN 1476-9336, Vol. 18, no 2, p. 282-310Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    What binds a democratic society together? This would seem a well-rehearsed topic in modern political theory, but on closer scrutiny, it may appear less so. If we reformulate the question, it may become clearer why: what binds democratic society together? The emphasis on ‘democratic’ is the clue here. Much recent discussion on the cohesive force in democracies has been parasitic on other debates, such as that between cosmopolitans and communitarians on justice as the first virtue of society; that between nation-state-based and post-national views of contemporary politics or that about the cultural aspects of democratic citizenship as the glue that makes democracy work. All such views and debates tend to assume a somewhat ‘externalist’ perspective, so to speak, of the problem of cohesion in democracies. Cosmopolitans and liberal communitarians have argued over the relative importance of values and identity as the basis for the stability of a just society, whose legitimate political arrangements they generally agree must be democratic, so as to reflect the demands of equality and self-government. Disputes over whether the institutions of democracy still require the background conditions provided by the nation-state, with its consolidated networks of party system, solidarity, civil society organisations and public opinion formation, or whether similar conditions can be reproduced at a more trans- and post-national level, are very similar in scope to those between cosmopolitans and liberal communitarians. Both these disputes concern the social, institutional, ideal or identitarian pre-conditions of democracy, which help it to work with a modicum of stability, in so far as they guarantee the political cohesion of either the demos or the regime itself. Discussions over the quality and competence of citizenship look at democratic culture as an important condition for democratic institutions and procedures to function smoothly and effectively. Debates over the ‘civic culture’ in the 1960s and more recently on ‘social capital’ lay emphasis on a mixture of attitudes, practices, participation in associational networks and consolidated norms of sociability as formative components of democratic citizenship, on which the working of democratic institutions and rules depends. This suggests something more internal, or at least a virtuous circle between the culture and the institutions of democracy. But is democracy itself capable of producing political cohesion, and on what basis?

  • 163.
    Bellgran, Jenny
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Delningsekonomi ur ett hållbarhetsperspektiv: Analys av hur de delningsekonomiska organisationerna Uber och Bilpoolarna uppfyller Elinor Ostroms principer för samarbete över allmänna resurser2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines whether two sharing economy organisations, Uber and Bilpoolarna, can be characterized by Elinor Ostrom’s principles for cooperation of common goods or not. The idea for the research question came from the global difficulties with the decision-making regarding the climate issue and Elinor Ostroms studies about the possibility to create sustainable cooperations regarding the distribution of common goods. If cooperation is possible, we might be able to together develop the climate actions in the right direction and make sustainable distributions of resources we have despite missing actions on a global level. The current growth of the sharing economy could be a sign of that possibility.

    The final result is that the association Bilpoolarna fulfills all principles more or less while Uber fails to fulfill principle 3, 5 and 6, and only to a small extent fulfills the remaining principles. The result indicates that Ostrom’s principles of cooperation not only characterizes common, non-excludable goods such as water and land, but also can extend its principles to the distribution of modern resources, such as the cars of Bilpoolarna – as long as the cooperation is voluntary and on a local level.

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  • 164.
    Bendixen, Maria Elisabeth
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    INACTION OR ACTION ON DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING IN HUNGARY: A QUESTION OF WHICH TYPE OF RHETORIC IS MOST COMMON IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT2023Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The thesis studies the most recent debate on the issue of democratic backsliding in Hungary, and more specifically, if a rhetoric of inaction was dominant in the plenary debate of the European Parliament. Democratic backsliding is a crucial topic to research in the context of the European Parliament’s recent attempts to take a more active role in defending the European 

    Union’s fundamental values. The different type of rhetoric used by the European Parliament’s eight party groups makes the political clash over Hungary even more interesting. In this thesis, the type of rhetoric and empirical basis used by the party groups will be described. The study finds that the majority of party groups in the European Parliament use a rhetoric of action towards the democratic backsliding in Hungary despite prior research arguing against such a pattern. Moreover, the most common empirical basis being used, is democracy and rule-oflaw. These results are intriguing because they address an important research gap in the literature on EU institutions and action on Hungary.  

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  • 165.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Comparing the unique: on the comparative study of housing and welfare regimes2023In: The Routledge Handbook of Housing and Welfare / [ed] Martin Grander; Mark Stephens, Abingdon; New York: Routledge, 2023, p. xiv-xixChapter in book (Other academic)
  • 166.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Politiska intentioner och utvärdering i kohandelns tid: En pågående dialog med Evert Vedung2024In: Samtal om idéer, utvärdering och samhällsförändring: En vänbok till Evert Vedung / [ed] Marianne Danielsson; Nils Hertting, Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2024, p. 181-192Chapter in book (Other academic)
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    Politiska intentioner och utvärdering i kohandelns tid: En pågående dialog med Evert Vedung
  • 167.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Berger, Tommy
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Gräsrot, språkrör och träffpunkt: lokal organisering och demokrati i boendet2005Report (Other academic)
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  • 168.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Grander, Martin
    Malmö universitet.
    Bostadsfrågan som politik och intressekamp2023Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [sv]

    Den svenska ”bostadspolitiska regimen” vilar på fem institutionella pelare vilkas framväxt och utveckling ingående behandlas av författarna. Till sina huvuddrag har dessa varit oförändrade sedan de formades efter andra världskrigets slut, vilket kan förklaras med bostadspolitikens starka stigberoende. Samtidigt har pelarna successivt urholkats framför allt sedan 1990-talet. I boken analyseras det partipolitiska spelet om bostadspolitiken, men också de stora intresseorganisationernas roll där det framträder ett tydligt växelspel mellan särskilt hyrespolitikens innehåll och organisationernas inflytande. Författarna visar att bostadspolitikens utfall har blivit allt mindre generellt inriktat under de senaste decennierna, vilket exemplifieras med allmännyttans utveckling. De diskuterar även i vilken utsträckning bostaden alltjämt kan ses som en social rättighet i Sverige. Boken avrundas med en diskussion om jämlikhet i boendet som en normativ måttstock för bostadsförsörjningen.

  • 169.
    Benlaib, Yasmin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gender-based violence and the victim: A case study on the implementation of Law 58 in Tunisia during the lockdown of 2020.2023Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
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    Gender-based violence and the victim: A case study on the implementation of Law 58 in Tunisia during the lockdown of 2020.
  • 170. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Åsard, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Languages, Department of English, The Swedish Institue for North American Studies.
    The Marketplace of Ideas: The Rhetoric and Politics of Tax Reform in Sweden and the United States1995In: Polity, ISSN 0032-3497, E-ISSN 1744-1684, Vol. XXVIII, no 1, p. 1-23Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The article analyzes the politics and rhetoric of tax reform in the United States (1986) and Sweden (1990). The two cases show that loosely regulated idea markets may yield policies that are more uneven, less consistent with the rhetorical claims made for them, and less strongly supported by the public than is the case with tightly regulated idea markets.

  • 171.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Exceptional but Different: Navigating Transition in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania2021In: Meandering in Transition: Thirty Years of Reforms and Identity in Post-Communist Europe / [ed] Ostap Kushnir & Oleksandr Pankieiev, London: Lexington Books, 2021, p. 79-108Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 172.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Forskarrollen.Reflexioner kring en passionerad profession2016In: Att forska. Praktiker och roller inom samhällsvetenskapen / [ed] Hagström, Linus, Bremberg, Niklas, Holmberg, Arita, Stockholm: Carlsson Bokförlag, 2016Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 173.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Imperial or colonial: The war is fought over the soviet past and a broken relationship2022In: TURKISH POLICY QUARTERLY, ISSN 1303-5754, Vol. 21, no 4, p. 23-31Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Russia is trying, through its bombs, attacks, and brutality, to erase what Ukraine was. Therefore, it is a war effort to keep remembering how Ukraine in peace looked like, how it smelled, tasted, and felt. And to never forget that this is a war against Ukraine, in its own right. Not as a representative of the West, and not as a representative of democracy. But because Ukraine is of such importance to Russia, that a break between the two is unthinkable for Putin. That was what Leonid Kravchuk, the Ukrainian president, realized already in 1991. He, and Ukrainian leaders after him, tried to protect their territory while at the same time reassuring Russia that relations could still be friendly. But Russia has never changed in a similar way.

  • 174.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Långt före sin tid. Forskningsuniversitetet som kreativ miljö2016In: Det hotade universitetet / [ed] Shirin Ahlbäck-Öberg m fl., Stockholm: Dialogos Förlag, 2016Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 175.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Post-Soviet Developments: Reflections on Complexity and Patterns of Political Orders2018In: Debatte, ISSN 0965-156X, E-ISSN 1469-3712, Vol. 26, no 1, p. 51-68Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    With the striking exception of the three Baltic States, the post-Soviet space unites in its incapacity to make a modern democratic state function. This incapacity is not just a marginal phenomenon but tends to be a syndrome. Against this background, this article addresses two interrelated questions. The first part develops a theoretical argument concerning post-Soviet developments, anchored in social theory. It underlines that how well democratic and legal institutions are going to function is determined, partly but not only, by the level of general social differentiation in a given society at the time of the introduction of these institutions. For such complexity to develop, a central state with a certain level of institutionalization, and with infrastructural, and not primarily repressive, capacity, is a necessary precondition. The second, empirical, part tries then to identify the variation that nevertheless exists in terms of democracy, state capacity and rule of law, between the post-Soviet states. As the recent, and promising, case of Georgia demonstrates, the crucial post-Soviet challenge is to break monolithic power structures. By increasing economic autonomy, a process that also strengthens societal complexity can start to evolve.

  • 176.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Projektsamhället och hoten mot akademin2016In: Det hotade universitetet / [ed] Ahlbäck-Öberg, Shirin m fl, Stockholm: Dialogos Förlag, 2016Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 177.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    The cultural roots of Estonia's successful transition: How historical legacies shaped the 1990s2007In: East European Politics and Societies, ISSN 0888-3254, E-ISSN 1533-8371, Vol. 21, no 2, p. 316-347Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the cultural roots of Estonia's surprisingly successful transitions in the 1990s. Taking the point of departure in historical institutionalism, two layers of political cultural legacies are identified as particularly crucial in preparing Estonia for the democratic government installed after independence. First, the article argues that even in a Baltic context, Estonia stood out as a hotbed for social initiatives and elite networks during Communist times. Second, to understand why such liberalisation within the authoritarian Communist regime started earlier in Estonia than elsewhere in the Soviet Union, there is a need to acknowledge the importance that the historical experiences of the inter-war republic played. Estonia then developed a civic culture that partly survived even during the Pats regime from 1934 to 1939. These experiences surfaced once the yolk of Stalinism was lifted in the 1950s and shaped Estonia under Communism into a society of "collective mobilization" where democratically inclined counter-elites could form.

  • 178.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences.
    Ahlbäck-Öberg, Shirin
    Widmalm, Sten
    Hermansson, Jörgen
    Karlsson, Christer
    Jarstad, Anna
    Det hotade universitetet2016Book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 179.
    Bentzer, Frida
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Tre år med samtycke: En kvalitativ intervjustudie av ett urval 18-åriga ungdomars attityder till våldtäktsbrott och samtyckesbegreppet2022Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In recent years, there has been a rise of consent laws in Europe – that is, sexual harassment laws based on consent rather than forms of violence. The laws can be viewed as a type of morality policies, which aspire to change key values regarding sexual relations and rape, especially among adolescents. However, research on laws' abilities to affect opinions is limited and foremost conducted in an American context. At the same time, consent is a term that has been taken for granted, by both the research community and the general public. In what way do those that are targeted by such consent laws reason about consent and rape? Through in-depth interviews with a selection of Swedish adolescents, this paper investigates the ways consent and rape are understood by those targeted by the new Swedish consent law introduced in 2018. This is done against a feminist legal theorybackdrop. Do the young adults share the views that the law intended for them, and can it be an indicator of the normative potential of morality laws? The findings show that Swedish teenagers share crucial views with the law regarding the fact that consent is the sole decisive factor concerning rape. Violence and the intentions of the perpetrator are insignificant. Interestingly, the young adults show deviating views regarding rape and consent among people in relationships, as well as sex as a result of nagging. Taken together, the results deepen our understanding of how adolescents view rape and the complexity of the concept of consent. 

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  • 180.
    Berg, Anders
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Staten som kapitalist: Marknadsanpassningen av de affärsdrivande verken 1976-19941999Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    During the 1980's a transformation of the Swedish public sector took place. A term that has frequently been used to describe this chain of events is market orientation. This dissertation deals with the market orientation of a particular group of public authorities, the public enterprises. This book contains a study of the Swedish Parliament's policy during the period 1976-1994 as regards four public enterprises; The Post Office Administration, The Swedish Telecommunications Administration, The Swedish State Railways and The State Power Board.

    The thesis shows that over time the market orientation of the public enterprises has gradually become more apparent and has increasingly covered more aspects of their activities. During the 1980's market orientation was carried out within the framework of the public enterprises as such. Then, at the start of the 1990's, the public enterprise form of three of the studied enterprises was abolished in favour of the company form.

    The study also shows that the vast majority of the political parties have moved towards a more positive position vis-á-vis market orientation. It is the non-socialist parties that started the policy of market orientation but, interestingly enough, it is during the subsequent Social Democratic government that the policy of market orientation becomes particularly pronounced.

    The concluding section of the book is devoted to a discussion on how the decisions made to increase the market orientation of public enterprises can be explained. This discussion concludes with a section devoted to the actions of the Social Democratic Party. In conclusion, the Social Democrats may have applied what in this thesis is called a functional-capitalistic strategy.

  • 181.
    Berg, Anne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Educational Sciences, Department of Education.
    Disciplinens politiska funktion: Den tidiga arbetarrörelsens sanktionssystem och medborgarskapandet, ca 1845–18852020In: Historisk Tidskrift, ISSN 0345-469X, E-ISSN 2002-4827, Vol. 140, no 1, p. 66-93Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article contributes to the research on how the earliest Swedish workers’ associations formed and controlled the poor and politically marginalized classes. Previous research on the fostering functions of organized labour has emphasized that it created a self-governing, reformist and conscientious working class. These studies have largely been based on the educational activities and ideological programs of the movements. This article shows that the workers’ organizations, in their first liberal phase, also shaped the behaviour of their members by establishing a system of sanctions. Thus, the essay focuses on a technique of moral regulation that was part of the everyday practice of organizational governance. The system of sanctions is treated and analysed as a disciplinary mechanism in a Foucauldian perspective, focusing on the type of subjects that the system formed and promoted. The first empirical section describes and analyses the basis of the system: the codes of conduct and its regulations. Drinking and disorderly behaviour in general were condemned, as was not being able to follow the right political protocols for being a good member of an association that was based on representative government. Furthermore, the system of sanctions created a relationship of power between the representatives and the majority of members. The former, mainly the governing board and the disciplinary corps, acted as fostering and policing authorities. The authorities were also in charge of deciding the penalties for members who were suspected of breaking the rules.

    Sanctions came in the forms of warnings, fines and expulsions. An in-depth analysis of individual cases shows that immoral and disorderly conduct, inside as well as outside the organizations, was cause for exclusion. The article shows that the sanction system thus served certain political functions. The sanction system formed capable citizens with the knowledge needed to engage in collective organizational politics; and in the end, the knowledge required to take part in a liberal-capitalist society in development.

  • 182.
    Berg, Annika
    et al.
    Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations (NCGM).
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Dissecting Gender Imbalance: A Horizontal Perspective on When Risk Matters for the Assignment of Women to UN Peacekeeping Missions2016In: Res Militaris, E-ISSN 2265-6294, no 2Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Despite efforts to improve the gender balance in UN peacekeeping missions, the overall proportion of female military peacekeepers is still low. This article focuses on the methodological challenges involved in examining gender balance in international missions. By bringing a horizontal analysis to bear on the proportion of women in UN peacekeeping missions, the study shows how different factors influence that proportion among contingent troops and military observers, respectively. Earlier research has pointed to the fact that the proportion of women is lower in high-risk missions because of the influence of military masculinities in assignments. The authors argue that when examining such a relationship, the different nature of the two groups - contingent troops and military observers, and how prone they are to combat and risk - must be considered and is best approached through a horizontally disaggregated line of analysis. The horizontal study outlined in this article confirms that such a relationship exists as regards contingent troops, but not among military observers. Its findings primarily show the relevance of a horizontally disaggregated analysis when examining factors that influence gender balance in international missions. Secondly, it suggests that other factors than the influence of military masculinities and the prevalence of mission risk also affect the proportion of women among military observers and similar groups in international missions. The authors conclude by stressing the need for future research to identify the factors that underpin assignment to different military functions, not least when it comes to servicewomen.  

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  • 183.
    Berg, Elias
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    The historical thinking of Charles A. Beard1957Book (Other academic)
  • 184.
    Bergendorff, Moa
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Det trygga och otrygga universitetet: En fallstudie av den större konflikten ’styrning och frihet’ i högskoledebatten med fokus på aktörer och ideal för verksamheten.2022Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
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  • 185.
    Bergenek, Victor
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Theology, Department of Theology.
    Vulnerability & Resilience in an Ageing Population: A Case Study on Individual Self-Reliance & Community-Based Disaster Risk Reduction Policies in Japan2023Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Natural disasters and hazards pose significant risks and challenges for people and communities all around the world, among the groups most vulnerable to these events are elderly populations who face physical, social, and psychological hardships in the face of disasters. The vulnerability and lacking resilience of elderly are a growing global concern as their proportion of the world's population is steadily increasing with an estimated 1 in 6 people being aged 65 and over by 2050, doubling the current number. The physical frailty, cognitive decline, sensory impairment, and economic disadvantage that often come paired with aging can make older adults more susceptible to harm in the face of natural disasters and social isolation, limited access to resources, and dependency on caregivers or family members further increase the risk of adverse outcomes for the elderly during and after a disaster. It is essential for the future to address the unique challenges faced by older populations in disaster situations and identify effective strategies to enhance their resilience and reduce their vulnerability.

    In Japan, with a rapidly aging society and increasing numbers of elderly individuals, the issue of disaster preparedness and response becomes even more pronounced. The current policies of individual self-reliance and community-based disaster management are heavily promoted as the way forward, but are these policies suitable and sufficient for elderly and vulnerable populations? This thesis seeks to explore whether these policies are suitable for the needs and realities of the increasing number of elderly and vulnerable individuals who are unable to take care of themselves in times of crisis. 

    Through an analysis of vulnerability and resilience, this thesis seeks to identify the key factors that contribute to the experiences of elderly people in disaster situations. By presenting a case study of Japan, the thesis aims to identify the strengths and weaknesses of current policies and strategies in promoting resilience and reducing vulnerability among elderly populations in Japan. This thesis aims to provides a critical insight into the policies and strategies for promoting resilience and reducing vulnerability among elderly populations during disasters and to highlight the need to critically reflect on the suitability of current policies in relation to the the growing number of vulnerable elderly. 

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    Bergenek. V.C.J. (2023) Vulnerability & Resilience in an Ageing Population. A Case Study of Individual-Self Reliance and Community-Based Disaster Risk Reduction Policies in Japan
  • 186.
    Bergentoft, Jakob
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Uppslutning kring den svenska flaggan: En kvalitativ textanalys om vilka aspekter som bidrog till att det skedde en ”rally ‘round the flag”-effekt i Sverige efter Rysslands invasion av Ukraina2023Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
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  • 187.
    Bergeå, Hanna
    et al.
    SLU.
    Kågström, Mari
    SLU.
    Annette, Lööf
    SLU.
    Westin, Martin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Educational Sciences, SWEDESD - The Swedish International Centre of Education for Sustainable Development.
    Kännedom om dilemman kan leda till bättre samverkan2018In: Universitetsläraren, no 8Article, book review (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 188.
    Berggren, Klara
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Den hållbara (tids)resan: En tidsöverskridande studie om hållbar biståndsallokering2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
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  • 189.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    At the Crossroads: Georgia Between Dominant-Power Politics, Feckless Pluralism and Democracy2013Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This article charts the last decade of Georgian politics through theories of semi-authoritarianism and democratization. I first dissect Saakashvili’s system of "dominant-power politics", which enabled state-building reforms, yet also atrophied political competition. I then analyze the "nested two-level game" between incumbents and opposition in the run-up to the 2012 parliamentary elections. After recounting the outcome of election day, I examine the Darwinian cohabitation that next pushed Georgia in the direction of "feckless pluralism". With presidential elections and a new constitution looming, protagonists must cease using state institutions for partisan purposes in order to set Georgia on a democratic trajectory. 

  • 190.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Demokratisering och dess gränser: etnopolitik, exit och voice i Georgiens kortslutna transition2010In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 24, no 1, p. 7-34Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article aims to highlight and problematise the boundaries of democratisation, with Georgia's troubled transition as empirical point of reference. The argument proceeds from the established idea that democratisation requires a demos, the presence of which provides the state undergoing transition with horizontal legitimacy. However, there are no good ways to decide where or how to draw the boundaries of democratisation in ethnopolitically contested states. Transitions occurring under such circumstances tend to be short-circuited. No nation wishes to be subjugated to the will of another nation within a state owned by another nation. Whether conflicts over the boundaries of democratisation are resolved to the satisfaction of the majority or minority depends to a significant degree - but by no means exclusively - on the vertical legitimacy of the host state. Depending on whether the relationship between the majority population and the state institutions is characterised by distrust or trust, the host state will be either weak or strong, and hence have low or high ability to contain resentful minorities. The article argues that between 1991 and 2003, Georgia was characterised by low vertical legitimacy, whereas since 2004, the state has acquired higher vertical legitimacy.

  • 191.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    'Forward to David the Builder!' Armenians and Azerbaijanis under Georgia's Civic Nationalism2014Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Following the Rose Revolution, President Saakashvili sought to transcend the ethnic nationalism that had poisoned relations between Georgians and the country's Armenian and Azerbaijani minorities. A civic nation was to be forged by encouraging minorities to learn the state language. But for the Armenians and Azerbaijanis to see incentives in doing so, it is necessary that all Georgian-speakers be treated as equals - regardless of residual ethnic features. After examining official policies and rhetoric as well as attitudes among adolescent Georgians, this article concludes that previous scholars have underestimated the civic-ness of nationalism in Saakashvili's Georgia.

  • 192.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    “Forward to David the Builder!”: Georgia's (re)turn to language-centered nationalism2016In: Nationalities Papers, ISSN 0090-5992, E-ISSN 1465-3923, Vol. 44, no 4, p. 522-542Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    After the Rose Revolution, President Saakashvili tried to move away from the exclusionary nationalism of the past, which had poisoned relations between Georgians and their Armenian and Azerbaijani compatriots. His government instead sought to foster an inclusionary nationalism, wherein belonging was contingent upon speaking the state language and all Georgian speakers, irrespective of origin, were to be equals. This article examines this nation-building project from a top-down and bottom-up lens. I first argue that state officials took rigorous steps to signal that Georgian-speaking minorities were part of the national fabric, but failed to abolish religious and historical barriers to their inclusion. I next utilize a large-scale, matched-guise experiment (n = 792) to explore if adolescent Georgians ostracize Georgian-speaking minorities or embrace them as their peers. I find that the upcoming generation of Georgians harbor attitudes in line with Saakashvili's language-centered nationalism, and that current Georgian nationalism therefore is more inclusionary than previous research, or Georgia's tumultuous past, would lead us to believe.

  • 193.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Georgia2013In: The Handbook of Political Change In Eastern Europe / [ed] Sten Berglund, Joakim Ekman, Kevin Deegan-Krause & Terje Knutsen, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2013, 3, p. 775-821Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 194.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Georgia between Dominant-Power Politics, Feckless Pluralism, and Democracy2014In: Demokratizatsiya, ISSN 1074-6846, E-ISSN 1940-4603, Vol. 22, no 3, p. 445-470Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article charts the last decade of Georgian politics (2003-2013) through theories of semi-authoritarianism and democratization. It first dissects Saakashvili’s system of dominant-power politics, which enabled state-building reforms, yet atrophied political competition. It then analyzes the nested two-level game between incumbents and opposition in the run-up to the 2012 parliamentary elections. After detailing the verdict of Election Day, the article turns to the tense cohabitation that next pushed Georgia in the direction of feckless pluralism. The last section examines if the new ruling party is taking Georgia in the direction of democratic reforms or authoritarian closure.

  • 195.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Georgia's Local Elections: Revitalizing the Rose Revolution?2010Report (Other academic)
  • 196.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Georgien: demokratisering i skuggan av Sovjetunionen?2010In: Prometokrati: mellan diktatur och demokrati / [ed] Sten Widmalm & Sven Oskarsson, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2010, p. 127-169Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 197.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Georgiens parlamentsval: demokratiskt genombrott eller semi-auktoritär regimcykel?2013In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 27, no 2, p. 115-139Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article analyses the democratisation process in Georgia, whose citizens on 1 October 2012 succeeded in changing their government through the ballot box. Did this event mark a democratic breakthrough or the beginning of another semi-authoritarian regime cycle? I tackle this question by navigating across the last decade of Georgian politics through the lens of theories on democratisation and semi-authoritarianism. I first expose the system of «dominant-power politics» that allowed Saakashvili to implement much needed state-building reforms, yet also atrophied political competition. I thereafter analyse the tug-of-war between the ruling party and the opposition during the run-up to last year’s elections. After recounting the culmination of this struggle, I examine Georgia’s trajectory in the aftermath of Election Day. Rather than transitioning to democracy, Georgia has developed towards «feckless pluralism». This is to be expected since Prime Minister Ivanishvili and President Saakashvili have been forced into an uneasy cohabitation under a divided-executive constitution. However, if a genuine opening is to ensue, then the protagonists must «accept the existence of diversity in unity and, to that end, to institutionalize some crucial aspect of democratic procedure» (Rustow 1970: 355).

  • 198.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Lost in Transition: State- and Nation-Building as Challenges to Democratisation in Georgia2008Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 199.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Reframing Democratization: Ethnopolitics, Exit and Voice in Georgia's Troubled Transition2010In: Perspectives on State-Building and Democracy / [ed] Thomas Denk, Saarbrücken: VDM , 2010, p. 77-111Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Previous research has assumed that state-building is a prerequisite for democratization. This book challenges this assumption. An alternative approach is presented. State-building and democratization is regarded as two processes that may be integrated with each other. When integrated, the two processes are expected to be connected on different society level. The chapters address one or other of the following questions: How is state-building and democratization expected to be connected? How has the international community approached weakened and failing states? How do fundamental dimensions of state-building affect the probability for democracy in new states? How are conflicts over boundaries a part of state-building that affects the conditions for democratization? How does the capital city play role in state-building and democratization? How does inclusion and exclusion work? These questions are explored through comparative analysis and examination of recent cases of state-building and democracy. It is essential reading for researchers that have an interest in state-building, democratization, and formation of demos.

  • 200.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Weber's secret admirer in the Caucasus: Saakashvili and the nationalisation of Georgia's Armenian and Azeri borderlands2018In: Nations and Nationalism, ISSN 1354-5078, E-ISSN 1469-8129, Vol. 24, no 4, p. 1185-1206Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    After the 2003 Rose Revolution, the Georgian government strove to integrate its disaffected Armenian and Azeri minorities, settled in southern Georgia across the border from their kin states. This article sheds novel light on this nationalisation drive. It argues that the centre’s nation-building entrepreneurs – the Mississippdaleulni – laboured to spur minorities in the ethnic enclaves first to interact with the heartland and then to adapt to its language. Officials invested in infrastructure and extended the state’s clout into the borderlands so as to foster inter-ethnic contacts. In tandem, the authorities promoted the Georgian language in the civil service, demoted the Russian tongue, and acculturated pupils to the state language. This nationalisation drive, I conclude, drew upon the same set of tools that Eugen Weber recorded French authorities as using in the opposite corner of Europe centuries ago. 

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