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  • 251.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    The development of a field: gender, politics and Joni Lovenduski2015In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, Vol. 14, no 3, p. 361-363Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 252.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Varför har männen fortfarande makten?2013In: Statsvetenskapens frågor / [ed] Li Bennich-Björkman, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2013, p. 135-142Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 253.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Who's the Perfect Politician?: Clientelism as a determining feature of Thai politics2013In: Party Politics in Southeast Asia: Clientelism and Electoral Competition in Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines / [ed] Dirk Tomsa and Andreas Ufen, Abington, Oxon: Routledge, 2013, p. 142-162Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 254.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Engvall, Anders
    Jitpiromsri, Srisompob
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Armed Violence and Patriarchal Values: A Survey of Young Men in Thailand and Their Military Experiences2023In: American Political Science Review, ISSN 0003-0554, E-ISSN 1537-5943, Vol. 117, no 2, p. 439-453Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    What is the relationship between armed violence and patriarchal values? This question is addressed with the help of a survey of young men in the conflict-affected southern provinces of Thailand. In Study 1 we find that men with more patriarchal values are more prone to volunteer for paramilitary service. Study 2 uses a natural experiment made possible by the conscription lottery in Thailand to compare survey responses of men who were involuntarily enlisted to do Military Conscription Service (treatment group) with the responses of men who participated in the lottery but were not enlisted (control group). We find no difference between the treatment and control groups in patriarchal values. We conclude that patriarchal values drive voluntary participation in armed conflict, whereas military service as a conscript in a conflict zone does not cause patriarchal values.

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  • 255.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Håkansson, Sandra
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gender and Violence against Political Candidates: Lessons from Sri Lanka2022In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 18, no 1, p. 33-61Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A nascent body of literature has highlighted the violence (broadly defined) that women sometimes face as they enter politics. Some interpretations depict this violence as primarily gender motivated: women politicians are targeted because they are women. Another interpretation is that violence in some contexts is an everyday political practice targeting men and women alike. However, because we lack large-scale, systematic comparisons of men's and women's exposure to election violence, we know little about the extent to which—and how—candidate sex shapes this form of violence. We address this research gap by using original survey data on 197 men and women political candidates in the 2018 Sri Lankan local elections. Sri Lanka is a suitable case for analysis because it is a postconflict country in which political violence has been endemic and the number of women candidates has increased rapidly due to gender quota adoption. Overall, we find large similarities in men's and women's exposure to violence, suggesting that violence sometimes is part of a larger political practice. However, we find that women are exposed to forms of intimidation of a sexual nature more often than men. This finding demonstrates the need for gender-sensitive analyses of election violence.

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  • 256.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kenny, Meryl
    Univ Edinburgh, Sch Social & Polit Sci, Edinburgh EH8 9YL, Midlothian, Scotland.
    Comparing Candidate Selection: A Feminist Institutionalist Approach2016In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 51, no 3, p. 370-392Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This contribution evaluates the theoretical and methodological challenges ofresearching the gendered dynamics of candidate selection in comparativeperspective. It argues that comparative studies should take into account not only thegendered nature of political parties and their wider institutional context, but mustalso investigate the informal aspects of the selection process and their genderedconsequences. The article explores these dynamics by revisiting original in-depthresearch on the candidate selection process in two different settings – Thailand andScotland. Using a common analytical framework, the article reflects on this workand points to two key aspects of the interaction between formal and informal rules –the gendered consequences of informal party recruitment and of local influenceover candidate selection – which are critically important for understanding thecontinuity of male political dominance and female under-representation. The articleconcludes by outlining a research agenda for comparative work on gender, institutionsand candidate selection and pointing to future directions for work in this area.

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  • 257.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kenny, Meryl
    University of Edinburgh.
    Revealing the “Secret Garden": The Informal Dimensions of Political Recruitment2015In: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 11, no 4, p. 748-753Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Candidate selection and recruitment has been notably described as the “secret garden” of politics—an obscure process, often hidden from view, that is regulated largely by internal party rules, informal practices, and power relationships (cf. Gallagher and Marsh 1988). In this contribution, we contend that informal party practices and their gendered consequences are critically important for understanding the continuity of male political dominance and female underrepresentation. Rather than make a strict separation between formal and informal rules in the recruitment process, we argue that gender politics scholars must instead identify and empirically investigate the specific combinations of such rules that impact upon women's and men's political participation in parties. The proposed approach allows for a more nuanced understanding of the bounded nature and variable outcomes of institutional innovation and party change.

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  • 258.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kenny, Meryl
    University of Edinburgh.
    Who, Where and How?: Informal institutions and the Third Generation of Research on Gendered Dynamics in Political Recruitment2017In: Gender and Informal Institutions / [ed] Georgina Waylen, Rowman & Littlefield International, 2017Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 259.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Kreutz, JoakimDepartment of Political Science, Stockholm University.
    Debating the East Asian Peace: What it is. How it came about. Will it last?2017Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 260.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame, USA.
    Disentangling gender, peace and democratization: the negative effects of militarized masculinity2011In: Journal of Gender Studies, ISSN 0958-9236, E-ISSN 1465-3869, Vol. 20, no 2, p. 139-154Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates, both theoretically and empirically, the relationships between democratization, gender equality and peace. We argue that there is a need to scrutinize both the level of democracy as well as the level of masculine hegemony in societies. Methodologically, we use a combination of quantitative and qualitative analyses to support our argument. We employ regression analysis to show that the relationship between the extent of democracy and the representation of women in politics appears, at first glance, to be non-existent but turns out to be a curvi-linear one. We also show that democracy can facilitate peace, but only in interaction with the level of political gender equality, so that more democratic societies are more peaceful only if there have been moves to gender equality. Our interpretation of these findings is illustrated by the contemporary politics of Thailand. Recent political violence in southern Thailand can be accounted for in the context of it being only partly democratized, where a culture of militarized masculinity persists alongside with, and even within, democratic institutions. Such a culture makes it both difficult for women to enter the political sphere, despite democratic elections, and fosters political violence.

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  • 261.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Pacific Men: how the feminist gap explains hostility2017In: The Pacific Review, ISSN 0951-2748, E-ISSN 1470-1332, Vol. 30, no 4, p. 478-493Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The gender gap in attitudes to foreign policy is well established in public opinion literature. Studies have repeatedly reported that women tend to be more peacefuland less militaristic than men. This article reexamines attitudes of individuals inrelation to foreign policy and pits the gender gap against the largely forgotten feminist gap. We argue that the individual-level relationship between gender equality attitudes on the one hand, and tolerance and benevolence on the other, is underresearched,but also that key contributions about the effects of feminism have beenmostly ignored in research on the gender gap in public opinion. We return to the notion of a causal relationship between gender equality attitudes, and peaceful attitudes, and of a feminist gap that also exists among men. In a series of novel empirical tests, we demonstrate that attitudes to gender equality, not biological sex, explain attitudes towards other nationalities and religious groups. Using individual level survey data from five countries around the Pacific: China, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, and the United States of America, we show that both men and women who reject gender equality are much more hostile both to other nations and to minorities in their own country.

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    Pacific Men
  • 262.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Revisiting Representation: Communism, Women in Politics, and the Decline of Armed Conflict in East Asia2013In: International Interactions, ISSN 0305-0629, E-ISSN 1547-7444, Vol. 39, no 4, p. 558-574Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This research note evaluates one of the commonly used measurements for political gender equality: representation of women in parliaments. It demonstrates that caution is called for when interpreting results where this variable is used, because parliamentary representation implies different things in different settings. Societies with more women in parliament tend to have fewer intrastate armed conflicts. We investigate this statistical association with a particular focus on East Asia. This region has seen a shift from extremely intense warfare to low levels of battle deaths at roughly the same time as great strides have been made in the representation of women in parliaments. This research note shows, however, that this statistical association is driven by authoritarian communist regimes promoting gender equality as a part of communist ideology, and these countries’ representative chambers have little influence over politics. Using statistical tests and empirical illustrations from East Asia, the note concludes that the political representation of women is an invalid indicator of political gender equality in East Asia. There is thus a need for nuance in assessing the picture painted in earlier research. In addition, the suggestion that more women in parliament will lead to fewer armed conflicts runs the risk of being forwarded as an oversimplified solution to a complex problem, and we briefly discuss the instrumentalization of gender equality in peace and security studies.

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    Bjarnegard Melander International Interactions
  • 263.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Thailand's Missing Democrats: Reds, Yellows, and the Silent Majority2014In: Foreign Affairs, ISSN 0015-7120, no 22 MayArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 264. Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Melander, Erik
    Bardall, Gabrielle
    Brounéus, Karen
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Johansson, Karin
    Muvumba Sellström, Angela
    Olsson, Louise
    Gender, Peace, and Armed Conflict2015In: SIPRI Yearbook 2015: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security / [ed] SIPRI, Stockholm: SIPRI , 2015Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 265.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Melander, Erik
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Bardall, Gabrielle
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Brounéus, Karen
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Forsberg, Erika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Johansson, Karin
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Muvumba Sellström, Angela
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Olsson, Louise
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Gender, peace and armed conflict2015In: SIPRI Yearbook 2015: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security / [ed] Ian Davis, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015, p. 101-109Chapter in book (Refereed)
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  • 266.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Tønnesson, Stein
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Peace and Conflict Research.
    Why So Much Conflict in Thailand?2015In: Thammasat Review, ISSN 0859-5747, Vol. 18, no 1, p. 132-161Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Thailand has since 2004 formed an exception to the general peace trend in East Asia. An insurgency in its deep south has cost several thousand lives. Thailand has also engaged in a deadly border conflict with Cambodia and there have been violent incidents in Bangkok, as part of a polarized struggle for power between bitterly opposed political factions. Why does Thailand go against the regional grain? We seek an explanation to the Thai exception by investigating to what extent the southern conflict, the border dispute and the struggle over government are causally interlinked. The latter, we suggest, has been the determining factor, and the main explanation for the upsurge of conflict in Thailand is the lack of civilian control with the military, which has weakened state capacity and made it possible to topple elected governments in coups, court decisions and street-based campaigns.

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  • 267.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Yoon, Mi Yung
    Hannover College.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gender Quotas and the Re(pro)duction of Corruption2018In: Gender and Corruptoon: Historical Roots and New Avenues for Research / [ed] Helena Stensöta and Lena Wängnerud, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 268.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Gender Equality Reforms on an Uneven Playing Field: Candidate Selection and Quota Implementation in Electoral Authoritarian Tanzania2016In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 51, no 3, p. 464-486Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the dynamics that gender quota reforms create withinand between government and opposition parties in electoral authoritariandominant-party states. A dominant-party state regularly holds relativelycompetitive elections, but the political playing field is skewed in favour of thegovernment party. We investigate the circumstances under which genderquotas’ goal of furthering political gender equality within political parties canbe reconciled with parties’ electoral concerns. We address these issues byanalysing the implementation of reserved seats by the three largest parties inthe dominant-party state of Tanzania. The empirical analysis suggests that theuneven playing field leaves an imprint on the specific priorities parties makewhen implementing candidate selection reforms. Because of large resource gapsbetween parties, the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi – (CCM), is able toreconcile gender equality concerns with power-maximizing partisan strategies toa greater extent than the opposition parties.

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  • 269.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    How autocrats weaponize women's rights2022In: Journal of Democracy, ISSN 1045-5736, E-ISSN 1086-3214, Vol. 33, no 2, p. 60-75Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This essay introduces the concept of "autocratic genderwashing" to shed light on why authoritarian states adopt gender-equality reforms. Autocratic genderwashing occurs when autocrats take credit for advances in gender equality in order to turn attention away from persistent nondemocratic practices, such as violations of electoral integrity and human rights. In doing so, they exploit the often simplistic association between gender equality and democracy to seek legitimacy and achieve regime stability. Gender equality is used to devise legitimation strategies tailored to specific groups. Awareness of this phenomenon might make scholars and democracy activists less likely to accept inclusion as a substitute for competition in nondemocratic states.

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  • 270.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Political Parties and Gender Quota Implementation: The Role of Bureaucratized Candidate Selection Processes2016In: Comparative politics, ISSN 0010-4159, E-ISSN 2151-6227, Vol. 48, no 3, p. 393-417Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article scrutinizes the role of political parties in gender quota implementation. First, it theoretically specifies and operationalizes the concept of bureaucratization in relation to candidate selection. Second, it examines whether parties with bureaucratized selection procedures are better at implementing legally mandated candidate quotas than other parties. We measure implementation as the number of women candidates and women elected (the latter measuring implementation of the spirit of quota laws). Using unique data on almost 100 Latin American parties, the analysis shows that once quotas are in place, parties with bureaucratized selection procedures put substantially more women on their candidate lists than other parties. However, these parties are only better at implementing the letter of the law: they do not get more women elected.

  • 271.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Political parties, formal selection criteria, and gendered parliamentary representation2019In: Party Politics, ISSN 1354-0688, E-ISSN 1460-3683, Vol. 25, no 3, p. 325-335Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Political parties sometimes set up formal criteria to define the pool of potential candidates. This article represents the first large-scale comparative analysis of potential unintended gendered consequences of these formal selection criteria for parliamentary representation. Using unique data on 101 political parties in 32 African, Asian, and postcommunist European countries, we find that there is indeed a relationship between formal selection criteria and men's and women's political representation. Criteria that concern ethnic or geographic background and intraparty experiences are harmful to women. On the other hand, gendered consequences are not as pronounced as a result of criteria concerning qualifications or requirements in relation to electability. Taken together, the analysis points to the need to pay increased attention to formal selection criteria and how this under-researched aspect of candidate selection shapes the parliamentary representation of underrepresented groups.

  • 272.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Removing Quotas, Maintaining Representation: Overcoming Gender Inequalities in Political Party Recruitment2011In: Representation: Journal of Representative Democracy, ISSN 0034-4893, E-ISSN 1749-4001, Vol. 47, no 2, p. 187-199Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Gender quotas are often referred to as temporary measures to be removed once the barriers for women's political representation have permanently been broken. This article explores theoretically the potential for different quota types to be removed whilst maintaining a high level of women's representation. We find that implemented party/legislative quotas with rank order specifications is the quota type that is most likely to both increase women's numerical representation and to reform political parties' practices in a gender-equal way.

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    Bjarnegård Zetterberg Representation 2011
  • 273.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Why are Representational Guarantees Adopted for Women and Minorities?: Comparing Constituency Formation and Electoral Quota Design Within Countries2014In: Representation: Journal of Representative Democracy, ISSN 0034-4893, E-ISSN 1749-4001, Vol. 50, no 3, p. 307-320Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores the underlying motives for ensuring the political inclusion of marginalised groups. More specifically, it analyses whether laws guaranteeing representation are designed differently for women and minorities and, if so, whether these differences correspond to normative arguments for group representation. We use a novel research strategy by comparing quota designs in all countries that have adopted quotas for both groups. Theoretically, we reconceptualise the relevant distinction between quota types by focusing on whether a special constituency is created or not. We identify substantial differences in quota design between the two groups. Minorities tend to be guaranteed representation through the creation of special constituencies, whereas gender quotas more commonly imply integration into pre-existing constituencies. The analysis largely supports those who argue that quotas for minorities aim to increase the autonomy of the group in question while gender quotas are adopted with the intention to integrate women into the political system.

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  • 274.
    Bjersér, Petter
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    To Trust or Not to Trust in National Climate Policy: A Quantiative Macro-Analysis on The Role of Social- and Political Trust in Determining National Policy Outcomes of Climate Taxation2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines the role of aggregated mean levels of Social Trust and Political Trust in national climate policy outcomes of Climate Taxation. The aim of the study is to contribute with the first quantitative macro-level comparative study of how Social Trust and three different forms of Political Trust1, the independent variables, affect national climate policy outcomes of Climate Tax Revenue, the dependent variable. In pursuit of this aim the study utilise fixed effects regression models based on bi-annual Time-Series-Cross-Sectional data of 24 OECD countries over 12 years. To operationalise the independent variables the study draws on individual-level survey-data from the European Social Survey Round 2-7 (2004-2014) and to operationalise the dependent variable the study uses tax revenue from Energy and Transports from the OECD-database Policy Instruments for the Environment. 

    The theoretical framework draws on behavioural approaches to social dilemmas in theorising that Social- and Political Trust facilitates cooperation and lowers transaction costs in order to overcome Social Dilemmas based on separate mechanisms of Networks and Institutional Safeguards. The study finds significant evidence for two of its hypotheses, as higher levels of Social Trust is correlated positively with higher Climate Taxes, and higher levels of Trust in International Organisations correlate negatively with Climate Taxes. Moreover, the study finds significant but contradictory evidence concerning two of its hypotheses, as higher levels of Trust in Political Institutions and Trust in Implementing Authorities correlate negatively with Climate Taxes. However, there are some indications that the assumption of no perfect multicollinearity does not hold for the fixed effects regression model and as such the results could be compromised. 

    To the knowledge of the author, this thesis outlines the first macro-level comparative study on the role of Social- and Political Trust in determining national climate policy outcomes of Climate Taxation that are generalisable in an OECD-country context. Future research is encouraged to scrutinise these preliminary findings in comparative analysis of both OECD and non-OECD countries. 

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  • 275.
    Björck, Martin
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Medicine and Pharmacy, Faculty of Medicine, Department of Surgical Sciences, Vascular Surgery. Univ Tartu, Inst Clin Med, Tartu, Estonia.
    Boyle, Jonathan R.
    Univ Cambridge, Cambridge Univ Hosp NHS Trust, Cambridge Vasc Unit, Cambridge, England..
    Kolh, Philippe
    Univ Liege, Dept Biomed & Preclin Sci, Liege, Belgium.;Univ Liege, GIGA Cardiovasc Sci, Liege, Belgium..
    In Times of Health Crisis and War, Science and Education are More Important Than Ever2023In: European Journal of Vascular and Endovascular Surgery, ISSN 1078-5884, E-ISSN 1532-2165, Vol. 66, no 3, p. 299-301Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 276.
    Björkblom, Sixten
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Philosophy.
    Södermanlands läns landsting: sammansättning, organisation och verksamhet1942Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 277.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    Samförstånd under oenighet: svensk säkerhetspolitisk debatt under det kalla kriget1992Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 278.
    Björklund, Stefan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    En författning för disputationen1996Book (Other academic)
  • 279.
    Björklund, Stefan
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    Forskningsanknytning genom disputation1991Book (Other academic)
  • 280.
    Björnberg, Arne
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Philosophy.
    Parlamentarismens utveckling i Norge efter 19051939Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 281.
    Björnehed, Emma
    et al.
    Tactical Warfare Division, Swedish Defence University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Erikson, Josefina
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Making the most of the frame: Developing the analytical potential of frame analysis2018In: Policy Studies, ISSN 0144-2872, E-ISSN 1470-1006, Vol. 39, no 2, p. 109-126Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Frame analysis has been developed and applied across contexts in several disciplines such as policy analysis, where the perspective has proven fruitful to carve out essential differences in the construction of meaning and to understand the responsiveness of the strategic use of ideas. However, this article argues in line with other scholars that the analytical potential of frame analysis is not fully utilized in most empirical studies. The article addresses two points of critique raised against frame analytical perspectives: the limited view of the framing process and the limited understanding of frame effects. We suggest two analytical dimensions that help to develop the analytical potential of frame analysis in policy analysis and beyond: firstly, the institutionalization process of frames which can capture the struggle of meaning within policy processes and also distinguish between the varying influences of different frames over space and time. Secondly, the extension of frame effects that through a reconceptualization of frame effects can capture how a frame has an effect on actors other than the audience and beyond its immediate purpose.

  • 282.
    Blackburn, Matthew
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Mainstream Russian Nationalism and the “State-Civilization” Identity: Perspectives from Below2021In: Nationalities Papers, ISSN 0090-5992, E-ISSN 1465-3923, Vol. 49, no 1, p. 89-107Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Based on over 100 interviews in European Russia, this paper sheds light on the bottom-up dynamics of Russian nationalism. After offering a characterization of the post-2012 “state-civilization” discourse from above, I examine how ordinary people imagine Russia as a “state-civilization.” Interview narratives of inclusion into the nation are found to overlap with state discourse on three main lines: (1) ethno-nationalism is rejected, and Russia is imagined to be a unique, harmonious multi-ethnic space in which the Russians (russkie) lead without repressing the others; (2) Russia’s multinationalism is remembered in myths of peaceful interactions between Russians (russkie) and indigenous ethnic groups (korennyye narodi) across the imperial and Soviet past; (3) Russian culture and language are perceived as the glue that holds together a unified category of nationhood. Interview narratives on exclusion deviate from state discourse in two key areas: attitudes to the North Caucasus reveal the geopolitical-security, post-imperial aspect of the “state- civilization” identity, while stances toward non-Slavic migrants in city spaces reveal a degree of “cultural nationalism” that, while sharing characteristics with those of Western Europe, is also based on Soviet- framed notions of normality. Overall, the paper contributes to debates on how Soviet legacies and Russia’s post-imperial consciousness play out in the context of the “pro-Putin consensus.”

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  • 283.
    Blackburn, Matthew
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Political Legitimacy in Contemporary Russia ‘from Below’: ‘Pro-Putin’ Stances, the Normative Split and Imagining Two Russias2020In: Russian Politics, ISSN 2451-8913, E-ISSN 2451-8921, Vol. 5, no 1, p. 52-80Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper explores how urban Russians perceive, negotiate, challenge and reaffirm the political configuration of the country and leadership in terms of the ‘imagined nation’. Based on around 100 interviews in three Russian cities, three main pillars appear to prop up the imagined ‘pro-Putin’ social contract: (i) the belief that ‘delegating’ all power into the hands of the President is the best way to discipline and mould state and society; (ii) the acceptance of Putin’s carefully crafted image as a ‘real man’, juxtaposed against negative views of the Russian ‘national character’; (iii) the internalization of a pro-Putin mythology on a ‘government of saviors’ that delivers normality and redeems a ‘once-ruined’ nation. The paper shows that those who reject these pillars do so due to differing views on what constitutes ‘normality’ in politics. This normative split is examined over a number of issues, leading to a discussion of internal orientalism and the limited success of state media agitation in winning over the skeptical.

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  • 284.
    Blackburn, Matthew
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    [Review of:] Chronicles in Stone: Preservation, Patriotism, and Identity in Northwest Russia2020In: Europe-Asia Studies, ISSN 0966-8136, E-ISSN 1465-3427, Vol. 72, no 10, p. 1763-1765Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 285.
    Blackburn, Matthew
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    The persistence of the civic–ethnic binary: competing visions of the nation and civilization in Western, Central and Eastern Europe2022In: National Identities, ISSN 1460-8944, E-ISSN 1469-9907, Vol. 24, no 5, p. 461-480Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The normative binary of ‘good-progressive’ and ‘bad-retrograde’ nationalism, traceable to the civic and ethnic dichotomy, is alive and well in studies of nationalism and populism today. This article underlines the insufficiency of this approach, firstly by examining three stances on the civic nation in the West, each of which rejects ethnic nationalism and reflect different fundamental concerns. Moving east, in Central Europe the binary is inverted and turned against ‘liberal cosmopolitans’; in Russia, the Kremlin’s ‘state-civilization’ project can be viewed as a distinct trend in nation-building for non-Western contemporary great powers.

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  • 286.
    Blackburn, Matthew
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies. Univ Warsaw, Dept Polit Sci & Int Studies, Warsaw, Poland..
    The Red Mirror. Putin's Leadership and Russia's Insecure Identity2022In: Europe-Asia Studies, ISSN 0966-8136, E-ISSN 1465-3427, Vol. 74, no 4, p. 695-697Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 287.
    Blackburn, Matthew
    et al.
    Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Oslo, Norway.
    Khlevnyuk, Daria
    Faculty of Humanities, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands.
    Escaping the Long Shadow of Homo Sovieticus: Reassessing Stalin’s Popularity and Communist Legacies in Post-Soviet Russia2023In: Communist and post-communist studies, ISSN 0967-067X, E-ISSN 1873-6920, p. 1-20Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    It is often asserted that the values and attitudes of Homo Sovieticus, marked in the rising “popularity” of Stalin, live on in contemporary Russia, acting as a negative factor in social and political development. This article critiques the argument that attitudes to Stalin reflect unreformed Soviet values and explain Russia’s authoritarian regression and failed modernization. Our critique of this legacy argument has three parts. First, after examining the problematic elements of the Levada Center approach, we offer alternative explanations for understanding quantitative data on Stalin and the repressions. Second, we examine interview data showing that, for those with a pro-Stalin position, “defending Stalin” is only a small part of a broader worldview that is not obviously part of a “Soviet legacy.” Third, we consider survey data from the trudnaia-pamiat’ project and find common reluctance to discuss much of the Stalinist past, which we argue represents an agonistic stance. Thus, we interpret attitudes to Stalin within a broader context of complex social and cultural transformation where the anomie of the 1990s has been replaced with dynamics toward a more positive identity construct. On the one hand, the antagonistic mode of memory is visible in statist and patriotic discourses, which do not seriously revolve around Stalin but do resist strong criticism of him. On the other hand, we find many more in Russia avoid the Stalin question and adopt an agonistic mode, avoiding conflict through a “de- politicized” version of history.

  • 288.
    Blackburn, Matthew
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies.
    Petersson, Bo
    Department of Global Political Studies, Malmö University, Malmö, Sweden.
    Parade, plebiscite, pandemic: legitimation efforts in Putin’s fourth term2022In: Post-Soviet Affairs, ISSN 1060-586X, E-ISSN 1938-2855, Vol. 38, no 4, p. 293-311Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Putin’s fourth term as president (2018–2024) has involved new challenges for Russia’s hybrid regime. COVID-19 hit the Kremlin at a sensitive time, when the old institutional forces had been demounted and new arrangements, including extensive constitutional changes, had yet to become cemented. There is an emerging gulf between state rhetoric, PR events, and patriotic performances, on the one hand, and economic chaos, social disorder and dysfunctional state capacity, on the other, which is likely to reduce system legitimacy and cause increased reliance on repressive methods. This article examines Kremlin legitimation efforts across Beetham’s three dimensions: rules, beliefs, and actions. We argue that the regime’s legitimation efforts in 2020–21 have failed to reverse emerging cleavages in public opinion since 2018. Increased reliance on repression and manipulation in this period, combined with the contrast between regime promises and observable realities on the ground, speak not of strength, but of the Kremlin’s increased weakness and embattlement.

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  • 289.
    Blad, Johannes
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Limiting the use of pro-government militias: The effect of media freedom on the impact of pro-government militas on repression2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
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  • 290.
    Blanck, Dag
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Languages, Department of English, The Swedish Institute for North American Studies.
    Stranne, Frida
    En annorlunda exceptionalism: President Barack Obama och en klassisk amerikansk tankefigur2020In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 122, no 5, p. 43-61Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article deals with how President Barack Obama has related to American exceptionalism, and how he developed a distinct version of the concept. We begin by discussing the background and meanings of American exceptionalism, making a distinction between its academic and political use. Based on three of his major speeches, we then discuss Obama’s relationship to the concept, arguing that his initial skepticism to American exceptionalism, which was met by criticism, notably from American conservatives, was replaced by a greater acceptance, especially with regard to foreign policy. We also argue that even though Obama embraced exceptionalism he also changed and expanded it, especially with regard to American history.

  • 291. Blauvelt, Timothy
    et al.
    Berglund, Christofer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Armenians in the Making of Modern Georgia2016In: Armenians in Post-Socialist Europe / [ed] Konrad Siekierski & Stefan Troebst, Köln: Böhlau, 2016, p. 69-85Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    While sharing a common ethnic heritage and national legacy, and an ambiguous status in relation to the Georgian state and ethnic majority, the Armenians in Georgia comprise not one, but several distinct communities with divergent outlooks, concerns, and degrees of assimilation. There are the urbanised Armenians of the capital city, Tbilisi (earlier called Tiflis), as well as the more agricultural circle of Armenians residing in the Javakheti region in southwestern Georgia. Notwithstanding their differences, these communities have both helped shape modern Armenian political and cultural identity, and still represent an intrinsic part of the societal fabric in Georgia.

  • 292.
    Blixt, John
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Är gräset faktiskt grönare på andra sidan?: En kvalitativ studie om de mekanismer som påverkar finländska lärares autonomi2020Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
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  • 293.
    Blomberg, Klara
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Is There a Difference Between Refugees and Refugees?: A text analysis of UK media presentation of Ukrainian refugees 2022 and Middle Eastern refugees 20152023Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 180 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This paper compares how the UK news media presents refugees from the Middle East in 2015 and Ukraine 2022. Studies such as Zawadzka-Paluektau (2022) have found that in other European news media large differences in the presentation of European and non-European refugees can be observed. This study aims to build on this research. In order to do this the study carries out a text analysis of articles by two prominent British newspapers: The Guardian and The Daily Mail. The articles are analysed using a framing method, using the frames “human interest”, “economic consequence”, “moral duty”, “responsibility” and “voice” to get a broad understanding of the presentation of refugees and how they differ between articles regarding refugees 2015 and 2022. 

    The study concludes that there are several differences between the media presentation of refugees during the analysed refugee waves. Ukrainian refugees were generally presented in a less negative light, as victims in need of support, whereas Middle Eastern refugees were often presented as a burden on the receiving society or even a threat. Large differences between the two newspapers were also found, the Guardian generally being more positive or humane and the Daily Mail having a harsher presentation of refugees.

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    Is there a difference between refugees and refugees?
  • 294.
    Blomkvist, Hans
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Languages, Department of Asian and African Languages.
    The Other Side of the Coin: The Power of Electricity2006Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 295. Blomkvist, Hans
    et al.
    Widmalm, Sten
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Democracy in India1992Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 296.
    Blomkvist, Hans
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Widmalm, Sten
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Indias demokratiske paradoks1992In: Internasjonal Politikk, ISSN 0020-577X, Vol. 50, no 4, p. 421-430Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 297.
    Blomquist, Amalia
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Från beslutande till rådgivande: En studie av det kollegiala inflytandet i hörandeprocessen vid rektorstillsättningar.2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
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  • 298.
    Blomqvist, Paula
    Department of Political Science, Columbia University.
    Ideas and Policy Convergence: Health Care Reforms in the Netherlands and Sweden in the 1990s2002Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 299.
    Blomqvist, Paula
    statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mot en europeisk sjukvårdspolitik?:  2004In: EU, välfärden och skatterna / [ed] Gustavsson, S, Oxelhielm, L och Wahl, N., Stockholm: Santérus , 2004Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 300.
    Blomqvist, Paula
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Sjukvårdsreformer i Polen och Tjeckien: varför så olika framgång?2005In: Nordisk Öst-forum, ISSN 0801-7220, Vol. 19, no 4, p. 443-454Article in journal (Refereed)
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